PART 6: PHNO SPECIAL PAGE ON THE WEB FOR GILBERTO 'GIBO' TEODORO, JR
TORONTO, ONTARIO, CANADA, JUNE 4, 2010 (PHNO) Culled by Lee Quesada: www.newsflash.org - What now RP? Gibo where are you? We will wait.
MAKE 2013 FOR GILBERT EDUARDO C. TEODORO FOR SENATOR HAPPEN!FROM THE PHILIPPINE DAILY INQUIRER
Gilbert C. Teodoro: RP deserves to be among world’s vibrant economies By Fe Zamora Philippine Daily Inquirer First Posted 00:59:00 05/02/2010 - Filed Under: Family, Politics, Inquirer Politics, Elections, Eleksyon 2010
MANILA, Philippines—Kissing babies is not the strong suit of Lakas-Kampi-CMD standard-bearer Gilberto Eduardo “Gibo” Cojuangco Teodoro Jr.
At the Batasan Park last March where Teodoro was the guest at the birthday party of his wife, Tarlac Rep. Monica “Nikki” Prieto-Teodoro, the tall, good-looking former secretary of defense stood for some 30 minutes onstage, smiling at the rambunctious crowd of some 4,000 children and their mothers and grandmothers gathered from depressed barangays by Quezon City Rep. Annie Susano.
Other politicians would have waded in, hugged the children, kissed the babies and their mothers, grandmothers and even gay uncles—and connected with and won the allegiance of the masa.
But not Teodoro. On that day, he and his pretty wife appeared lost and in a daze up on the stage with movie actress Dawn Zulueta.
Susano, who has since junked Teodoro to join another presidential candidate, actually provided the cue early on. Before climbing the stage, she joined the kids and their mothers on the ground, checking on what they were eating and rallying them to cheer for the candidate worthy of being a role model.
“We all want our children to be magaling at matalino (bright and intelligent). ‘Yan si Gibo Teodoro!” she shouted.
Susano, who is running for mayor of Quezon City, was effective as the front act. The main star, Teodoro, flopped.
But before an audience of the upper crust, Teodoro is a box-office winner.
Lawyer Claudette de la Serna was gushing after hearing Teodoro speak at a forum for the presidential candidates in Makati City. “Among them, he is the only one who has clear policy statements,” she said.
De la Serna had earlier heard very good words about Teodoro from her boss, former Solicitor General Estelito Mendoza. It was in Mendoza’s law firm that Teodoro cut his teeth as a litigator for seven years, starting as a bar topnotcher in 1989.
It was also Teodoro’s eloquence and clarity of mind that impressed a group of retired generals a few months after he was appointed to the defense post in 2007.
After his speech before the Philippine Military Academy alumni and the open forum that followed, a retired general in the audience sent a text message to a journalist: “What do you think? Gibo Teodoro for President!”
No luxury of time
The old fogeys were thrilled at the prospect of another defense secretary in Malacañang, a la Ramon Magsaysay in the early 1950s.
Reminded that Teodoro must do something “dramatic, compelling” in solving the insurgency problem before he can be considered at par with Magsaysay, the generals were optimistic. “There is time for that,” one said.
Obviously, Teodoro didn’t have the luxury of time.
When he formally declared that he was running for president under the ruling Lakas-Kampi-CMD, he had yet to make headway not only in wiping out the communist insurgency but also in crushing the Abu Sayyaf extremist group and in finally settling the separatist problem posed by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).
In a forum early on in the campaign, Teodoro spelled out what he thought was lacking in government. “If there is one word that is to be generated by government, it is confidence,” he said. If elected, Teodoro hopes to bring that confidence back in government.
Vision for dynamic nation
“The Philippines deserves a place among the most vibrant emerging economies of the world. The country does not want for talent and resources. What we lack is the institutional capital that will enable the country to seize historic opportunities before it; a legal and policy framework that will enable us to attract a larger share of investment flows; a bureaucracy that makes doing business easier; a security capability that will finally enable us to end the last yet most protracted armed insurgencies in the world; and an educational system that will produce the highly skilled workforce that will bring us to the cutting edge of the new economy,” he also said in his campaign platform “My Vision for a Dynamic Nation.”
Only child ‘Gibby’
Teodoro was born on June 14, 1964, in Isabela to Gilberto C. Teodoro, who would become administrator of the Social Security System, and Mercedes Cojuangco, who was elected member of the interim and regular Batasang Pambansa during Ferdinand Marcos’ regime.
He was named after his father and his uncle, Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco (his mother’s brother), who stood as his baptismal godfather. Liberal Party standard-bearer Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III is a second-degree cousin.
As an only child, Teodoro was naturally doted on by his mother. “We called him Gibo, but his mom calls him Gibby,” a cousin recalled.
Rapa Lopa, also a second-degree cousin, said he played basketball with Teodoro at the Cojuangco compound in New Manila, Quezon City, in their youth.
“We were kids, and cousins. We played together,” Lopa said.
Recalled Danding Cojuangco’s son Charlie: “It’s like, if you break my toy, I’ll break yours.”
After completing a bachelor’s degree in commerce at De La Salle in 1984, Teodoro went to the University of the Philippines’ College of Law, where he graduated with a Dean’s Medal for Academic Excellence.
He did not disappoint his alma mater when he topped the bar in 1989.
Government service was not what Teodoro’s father would have wanted for his only child.
According to one of the cousins, the elder Teodoro would have wanted his son to become an investment banker or a finance whiz. But Cojuangco “influenced” the young Teodoro by introducing him to politics early on via the Kabataang Barangay (KB), then led by Marcos’ eldest child Imee.
In 1980, Teodoro, then 16, was elected KB president in Tarlac. He went on to lead the KB in Central Luzon and to become a member of the Tarlac Sangguniang Panlalawigan at the time that his mother was the Tarlac representative in the National Assembly.
“Danding is Gibo’s mentor in politics. That’s not a secret among the Cojuangcos,” said businessman and civil society member Pastor “Boy” Saycon.
In 1992, Cojuangco founded the Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC) as a vehicle for his presidential candidacy.
The industrialist eventually lost to retired general Fidel V. Ramos, but he maintained his political influence through the NPC, which grew deep roots in congressional districts and in local government units.
In 1997, soon after acquiring a master’s degree from the Harvard Law School in the United States, Teodoro came home to begin a new chapter in politics.
According to Saycon, the idea of launching Teodoro’s political career was hatched by Cojuangco and his cousin, Jose “Peping” Cojuangco Jr., who was to bow out as representative of Tarlac’s first district after three terms.
“The cousins talked, and they agreed to give the first district to Gibo, and the fourth district to Noynoy,” Saycon said.
Teodoro and Aquino won in their respective districts. Teodoro would also become the president of the NPC.
Did Nikki cause rift?
But things soured between Teodoro and his godfather in 2007 when Teodoro, who was completing his nine-year term in the House, allowed his wife Nikki to run for his seat over a candidate preferred by Cojuangco.
“It was done on the sly. Danding was disappointed,” said Saycon, who has had business dealings with Cojuangco.
But Teodoro denied this in an earlier interview. “Nikki was the unanimous choice,” he said.
In June 2007, Teodoro bowed out of Congress, where he had served as assistant majority leader and member of the House contingent to the Legislative-Executive Development Advisory Council.
His wife, a former commercial model who studied in Switzerland, won his seat in the first district of Tarlac.
Two months later, in August 2007, Teodoro was named defense secretary.
But the gap between Teodoro and his godfather widened.
Other sources said the rift actually started after the NPC’s failed attempt to impeach Chief Justice Hilario Davide in 2003.
‘Anybody but Gibo’
Asked what really happened between him and his uncle, Teodoro said: “I just went on my own way.”
He admitted that they had not spoken for some time.
The hurt feelings appear to be mutual. Months ago, asked by reporters who her family was rooting for in the presidential race, Cojuangco’s wife Gretchen said emphatically: “Anybody but Gibo.”
Teodoro responded sharply, saying that family matters and hurt feelings should take the back seat to “national issues.”
GIBO'S CORE VALUES: From http://www.facebook.com/giboteodoro
"MY CORE VALUES: I believe that countries can be strong only if their primary institutions are strong. The most basic institution is the family. It is the unit of trust, responsibility and caring that makes possible communities that are supportive, productive and safe. The state must reinforce families and empower communities.
We inhabit this earth by Divine Providence and share it with all its endowments. We must behave responsibly towards nature; ensure its conservation and sustainability. Future generations must not be denied the means to meet their own needs. The destruction so far wrought on the atmosphere, the seas and the forests must be reversed in our lifetime. In everything that we do, we must account for long-term consequences. We are responsible for nurturing future generations.
I believe that human dignity and well-being are best served under conditions of economic freedom. Under such conditions, innovation and productivity are unrestricted. The power of choice is ensured. Opportunity is multiplied. Efficiency is a virtue. Other freedoms that enable individuals and communities to constantly reinvent similarly become possible.
For economic freedom to be realized, the state must provide a reliable legal system that guarantees fair play and a set of policies that encourage competition, enforce contracts and reward excellence. That will be the basis for a social order that rewards skill and hard work, ensuring the best conditions for wealth creation and enabling individuals to be their best.
The most prosperous societies are also those that are most free. These are markets that are fully contestable, thereby discouraging monopolies. They are markets driven by trade, thereby encouraging real productivity. These are markets that are not distorted by subsidies and protectionist policies, therefore encouraging the best standards of efficiency. These are economic regimes where the freedom of choice of analytical consumers is paramount, therefore averting the rise of oligarchies.
I believe in the intrinsic humaneness of open societies. They enable diverse beliefs and practices to co-exist in harmony. They respect freedom of worship and the ecumenism of many faiths. They respect the lifestyle of choices of individuals and encourage the creativity of a people. They guarantee the constant regeneration of our culture and guard against the tyranny of dogma. Human rights and civil liberties can only be truly practiced in an open society.
I believe in the superiority of representative democracy as a form of government. No matter its imperfections, especially as it has evolved in this country, it is still better than all other options of rule. The failings in our practice of representative democracy, we need to remedy by improvements in the system--- not by the rejection of democratic politics. There is no other means to build a better future than through the processes of accountability and consensus that representative democracy fosters.
This is the moral compass by which my leadership will be guided.
My Vision For a Dynamic Nation: The Philippines deserves a place among the most vibrant emerging economies of the world. The country does not want for talent and resources. What we lack is the institutional capital that will enable the country to seize historic opportunities before it; a legal and policy framework that will enable us to attract a larger share of investment flows; a bureaucracy that makes doing business easier; a security capability that will finally enable us to end the last yet most protracted armed insurgencies in the world; and an educational system that will produce the highly skilled workforce that will bring us to the cutting edge of the new economy.
Over the medium term, we need to radically alter our economic and investment policies to make them more receptive and responsive to the demands of the new global economy. Bureaucratic reform has been the toughest nut to crack for all previous administrations. It is something that must be urgently done over the next few years if we are to break out from the trap of low growth.
There is no further reason for significant swathes of the country to continue to suffer from marauding insurgencies. Armed conflict has cost many of our communities immensely, not only in terms of loss of life and destruction of property but more so in terms of missed opportunities. In the areas where armed conflict happens, infrastructure could not be built, farms and enterprises have been abandoned, and investments are absent. Already impoverished by the presence of insurgent groups, the communities in the affected areas live in fear of harassment and suffer the extortion of armed gangs. These basic communities must be immediately liberated from fear, violence and poverty so that their participation will be harnessed in the governance of public programs.
Government, in the near term, must make the required strategic investments in closing the infrastructure gap and in quickly raising the quality of our educational system. The first will enhance the domestic and international commerce. The second will multiply our human capital, the driving force of our economic growth.
We are now in the process of detailing a comprehensive plan for state strategic intervention through the first two years of my presidency. One of its critical and immediate elements is a massive low cost housing particularly a medium rise in-city program that will reduce disaster risks and spark urban redevelopment. It is a plan that will require a tremendous amount of political will and public support. It will set the stage for our economy to grow at a rate at par with the most dynamic economies of our region. If we are able to sustain economic growth at about 8%, we will finally be able to reverse the tide of poverty and begin creating a dynamic, resilient and modern economy for the next generation. We will not balk at doing the tough things that need to be done.
WHAT'S GOING ON AS WE SPEAK - June 8, 2010 Report from Daily Inquirer
ANALYSIS Right, Left swamp Aquino with advice By Amando Doronila Philippine Daily Inquirer First Posted 02:44:00 06/07/2010 Filed Under: Benigno Aquino III, Eleksyon 2010, Inquirer Politics, Economy and Business and Finance, Government
Sen. Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III, who is due to be officially proclaimed the 15th president of the republic this week, faces an avalanche of unsolicited advice from several quarters, including the outgoing administration of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, concerned do-gooders in civil society, and Left-wing groups who have entered the mainstream of parliamentary liberal democracy disguised as party-list lawmakers in the House of Representatives.
The pieces of advice comprise a cacophony of nauseating recommendations of priorities that Aquino is being urged to incorporate into his policies and programs in his agenda for his first 100 days in office. For example, Aquino is asked to “hit the ground running,” a worn-out cliché in politics.
The cackling hacks of the departing administration, who will soon lose their jobs, are beside themselves painting a glowing picture of the economic legacy of Ms Arroyo.
Romulo Virola, secretary general of the National Statistical Coordination Board who is known for presenting an optimistic picture of the economy, praised the 7.3-percent growth during the first quarter of the year as “a glorious ending for the Arroyo administration.”
Virola went further to hold up the economic expansion “as a good beginning for the Aquino administration,” implying that Aquino would be better served if he built on this growth for which he should be grateful to his predecessor for establishing a solid foundation for growth.
This is enough cause to affront Aquino.
More guarded in praise
Independent economists are more guarded in their praise. They have pointed out that the growth was largely fueled by massive election spending, which has also been credited for the 8.3-percent growth during the second quarter of 2007.
According to Benjamin Diokno, budget secretary of the Estrada administration, without election spending, economic growth during the quarter would have been halved to just 3.6 percent—the normal growth rate between elections.
The election-driven economic expansion foisted by Arroyo apologists have been sporadic growth surges that have led to ballooning fiscal deficits, which Aquino would have to curb on the first day of his first 100 days by raising new taxes.
Outgoing Finance Secretary Margarito Teves has warned that the budget deficit that could swell to 4.4 percent of GDP (gross domestic product) if the next administration does not impose new taxes.
In executing a scorched-earth policy to cover her departure, Ms Arroyo has laid a matrix of landmines on the path of the succeeding administration, seeing to it that it cannot but fail.
In an interview with local TV stations on Friday, Ms. Arroyo presented a statesmanlike facade, saying that she would like to be remembered as the architect of a modern economy. “I would like my presidency to be remembered as one that stabilized the economy, did the fundamentals to modernize our economy,” she said.
Her aides have portrayed Ms Arroyo as a hands-on leader who works late into the night and sleeps only four hours on her projects linking the regions of the country in an infrastructure program.
The program is without doubt, as attested by her annual State of the Nation Address, the most ambitious and comprehensive blueprint for infrastructure development launched by any president.
To a certain extent, it is true that Ms Arroyo has stabilized the economy, but growth has taken place in an environment rocked by political turbulence during the last six years of her presidency, stemming from allegations of the rigging of the 2004 presidential election and a series of corruption scandals surrounding her administration’s transactions.
If the public has not appreciated her work ethic, it is because she has followed a flawed model for economic growth that emphasizes planning without good governance. This model is high in economic planning content but short in governance substance.
Aquino has spurned this model, emphasizing that he would launch an anticorruption drive during his presidency. It is now clear that Aquino has rebuffed Ms Arroyo’s imbalanced and flawed approach, giving higher priority to good governance.
Ms Arroyo has tried to preempt the first 100 days agenda of Aquino. On the administrative side, she has left a legacy of a coterie of officials whom she appointed as “midnight appointees” in the dying days of her administration and before the induction of the next one.
Among these controversial appointments are those of Armed Forces Chief of Staff Gen. Delfin Bangit, whose nomination for promotion to full general was bypassed by the Commission of Appointments last week, and there is a demand from some members of Congress that he steps down as chief of staff.
There are no signs that other midnight appointees in the bureaucracy are stepping down in response to public demands.
Less right to dictate
In the ideologically fussy alignments of political parties in the country, the Left is another sector that seeks to determine the agenda of the first 100 days.
The Left has less right to dictate the agenda than the Right (the Arroyo-dominated political establishment) and the Center, consisting civil society groups whose ideas of good government are grounded on moralistic civic platitudes.
Without a big electoral mandate in the last election, the Left, represented by the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) that has won representation in the House through the party-list system, has served notice that it would not observe a “honeymoon” with the next administration.
In a self-important statement out of proportion to its electoral mandate as a marginalized sector in Philippine society, Bayan said it would continue to challenge Aquino “to address pressing issues, institute reforms, and we want to know how far he would go in making good his promises.”
Left’s wish list
“There is a certain willingness and openness to engage (the Aquino administration), depending on the issues,” Bayan said.
“When cooperation is possible in resolving issues, the Left will not turn a deaf ear. Certainly, our attitude toward Aquino is different from our attitude toward GMA (Ms Arroyo).”
Bayan said it had prepared a wish list for the Aquino administration.
Before the Left starts to overestimate its influence and capacity to make demands, it is best to remind it that it made a huge blunder when it boycotted the snap presidential election that culminated in the 1986 Edsa People Power Revolution, scorning it as a middle-class bourgeois exercise.
The result was the Left was marginalized from political participation for a long period of time until the party-list system was adopted to open the way for parliamentary participation by marginalized social sectors.
The Left is speaking with a bold voice without a big stick.
FROM GMANEWS TV:
The son also rises: Noynoy Aquino's road to power Photos by RICK ROCAMORA 05/27/2010 | 05:17 PM Email the Editor Print Share This Share51
One can say that power was a gift bequeathed by Cory Aquino to her son. For if she didn't pass away last year, we would probably now be facing a second Estrada administration. US-based documentary photographer Rick Rocamora came home to document Noynoy's unusual path to the presidency and produced this montage of his campaign. Rick's statement:
In the short period that I spent covering the Noynoy Aquino campaign for the presidency, the enthusiasm and passion of his volunteers and supporters were photographic moments for us to keep.
On Election Day in Tarlac, he showed the world and us the best example of humility for a person of his stature: he waited in line for four hours under the scorching sun like everyone else to cast his vote. When some photographers asked him to repeat his action and pretend to fill in his ballot for the cameras, he said, “That is enough, many people are still waiting in line to vote."
I went back to the precinct where he voted and as expected, he won by a big margin. 669 of 770 votes cast went to him.
The day after the election, he met with the media and promised to do his best as the next president but told everyone, “For me to be successful, I will need your support."
COMMENTS ON THIS REPORT AS OF JUNE 8, 2010 12:03 P.M. EST TIME
1. remorin [Moderator] Yesterday 08:40 PM power without brain is nothing
2. remorin [Moderator] Yesterday 08:35 PM base sa records nya sa congress at senate, sa palagay ko'y mas maraming negative ang gagawin ni noy kesa positive....wag naman sana.
3. berdugo Follow this link: http://martinperez.asia/2009/09/09/ninoy-aquino...
These are the last 3 paragraphs of Ninoy Aquino’s letter to his son Noynoy:
"The only advice I can give you: Live with honor and follow your conscience.
There is no greater nation on earth than our Motherland. No greater people than our own. Serve them with all your heart, with all your might and with all your strength.
Son, the ball is now in your hands".
Mr. President Noynoy Aquino, keep the ball safe in your hands towards peace and progress.4. Jonan Cabangon RadazaEvelyn
Chief News Editor: Sol Jose Vanzi
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