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NOY'S CORNER THIS PAST WEEK...
(MINI-READS followed by FULL REPORTS below)

MANUEL QUEZON III ON MARTIAL LAW: HISTORICAL FACTS DON'T LIE
[{QUEZON SAID:} “As we approach the next national elections, let us consider our candidates wisely. Do we want a president who will lead us to another dictatorship or an uncertain future? Or do we want to be led by a competent candidate with unquestioned integrity?” Quezon said. In a speech in Umingan, Pangasinan, Marcos urged the public to end the culture of divisiveness and unite for a common cause, saying disunity aggravates the problems besetting the country. The senator also said he abhorred martial law as such would only mean the country is in a crisis. “We don’t want that to happen,” he said.]


FEBRUARY 28 -Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office Undersecretary Manuel Quezon III was responding to Sen. Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s accusation that President Aquino was causing division in the country with the latter’s frequent dredging up of the horrors of martial law. Marcos is running for vice president in the May 9 elections. Kriz John Rosales
 In retelling stories about the Marcoses and martial law, President Aquino is not sowing disunity but is simply reminding Filipinos – especially the youth – of the sacrifices countless others had to make to help the country win back its freedom, Malacañang said yesterday. Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office Undersecretary Manuel Quezon III was responding to Sen. Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s accusation that President Aquino was causing division in the country with the latter’s frequent dredging up of the horrors of martial law. Marcos is running for vice president in the May 9 elections. Speaking over radio dzRB, Quezon said that during the 30th anniversary celebration of the 1986 EDSA people power revolution last Thursday, President Aquino “delivered a powerful speech about the importance of memory,” with emphasis on the contrast between “the freedoms we now enjoy” and the repression suffered by those who lived during the martial law era. Quezon stressed Aquino’s statements on the Marcoses were adequately supported by historical facts and documented evidence. “Like what the President said in his speech, this is not about the Aquinos versus the Marcoses; this is about the truth versus amnesia,” Quezon said. The latest Social Weather Stations survey results, Quezon noted, indicated that 76 percent of Filipinos were satisfied with the democracy restored through the peaceful uprising in 1986. READ MORE...RELATED,

ALSO: By Ninez Cacho-Olivarez -Denouement
[
PNoy talks of the return of democracy, yet he tries his best to ensure that the people’s vote is thwarted because he does not want the Marcoses to be relevant again, as he comes up with a non sequitur of Marcos Jr. bringing back martial law. As Marcos Jr. put it: He cannot declare martial law, as he is merely running for the vice presidency. Noynoy realizes that things — politically, socially and economically — have gone from bad to worse under his six-year term, which is why the New York Times’ report focusing on Filipinos describing the Marcos years as the “golden years”. Alas and alack, Noynoy not only destroyed the ideals of Edsa I. He also managed to mar the Aquino name which will be remembered in shame by the Filipinos in the years to come.]


FEBRUARY 28 -COMPOSITE PHOTOS: BONGBONG MARCOS VS NOY AQUINO BONGBONG MARCOS VS NOYNOY AQUINO Noynoy has been doing all he can to extinguish the Marcoses from the political scene, mainly because he wants the copyright of the Aquino name engraved in stone in having been the creator of the Edsa People Power revolt (yes Virginia, it was a revolt, not a revolution, no matter what the yellows say) that occurred 30 years ago. He now fears that if Bongbong Marcos wins the presidency in May, 2016 and again, in 2022, wins the presidency, that Aquino name associated with Edsa I will fade and even die. What he doesn’t seem to realize is the fact that, if Noynoy had not become the President, even without Bongbong in the vice presidential scene, memories of Edsa I were already fading, shortly after Cory Aquino left Malacañang. To be more accurate, even with Cory still in Malacañang, less than two years after the Edsa I revolt, the disenchantment over her regime and her inability to usher in real revolutionary change in government and society in general was very palpable among the Filipinos. What Cory did was merely to rid the country of the so-called Marcos oligarchy, composed of his cronies, and replaced them with her own set of the pre-Marcos oligarchs, as her cronies and her relatives. That there was corruption during the Marcos years, can hardly be denied, but there was too, a lot of corruption during the Cory years, with Cory, her cronies and her Kamaganak Inc. lording it over in politics and the economy. The only difference between the Marcos corruption and the Cory Aquino corruption is the fact that the media focused on the Marcos regime corruption, but kept extremely silent on the massive corruption and crimes committed under the Cory Aquino regime, even turning her into a saint. READ MORE...RELATED List of Aquino-Cojuangco Kamag-anak Inc....

ALSO: Noy to crowd at EDSA 30 - 'Marcos wanted to use force!'


FEBRUARY 29 -Philippine President Benigno Aquino III addresses the crowd during the 30th anniversary celebration of the "People Power Revolution" that toppled the 20-year-rule of the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos and helped install his late mother Corazon "Cory" Aquino to the presidency Thursday, Feb. 25, 2016 at suburban Quezon city northeast of Manila, Philippines. The four-day People Power saw hundreds of thousands of Filipinos trooping to EDSA Avenue fronting two military camps to lend support to mutinous soldiers who broke away from Marcos. AP/Bullit Marquez
In his final 48 hours as president, Ferdinand Marcos wanted to resort to violence, but was persuaded against it by Washington and told to hand over power peacefully, President Aquino disclosed yesterday. Aquino dispelled the “myth” that Marcos held back the military and police so as not to harm civilians at EDSA.
“One of the enduring myths about Mr. Marcos is that, even in his time of maximum peril, he somehow found it in himself to hold back rather than harm the tens of thousands of unarmed civilians gathered at EDSA,” Aquino said. “Nothing could be farther from the truth,” Aquino said at the memorial for the late Stephen Bosworth, former US ambassador to the Philippines, at the Church of the Holy Trinity in McKinley Road in Forbes Park, Makati City. A careful study of the reports and anecdotes right after the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution, he said, dispelled this myth. Early on the third day of the people power revolt, Marcos sent Marines to attack Camp Crame, which prompted Bosworth to call Washington to report that an attack was expected at dawn. READ MORE...

ALSO: By Sara Soliven De Guzman - Bongbong, Martial Law and People Power
[The Martial Law years is the darkest period in the history of the Philippines. My family had first-hand experience of those years saddled with fear and the chaos in the streets brought about by the powerful military. My dad, the late Maximo V. Soliven was incarcerated. He was among the journalists who were imprisoned at that time and put under house arrest until martial law was lifted in 1981. But even after 1981, Marcos was still on his toes controlling every sector of Philippine society. People were not free until the end of his rule. Bongbong was very conscious of what was going on. He was an active participant and ally of his father even wearing a military uniform on the day of havoc.]


FEBRUARY 29 -By Sara Soliven De Guzman
Are the sins of the father, also the sins of the son? It is very insulting to our intellect to hear that the former dictator’s son Bongbong Marcos does not inherit the sins of his father, only his wealth. He enjoys all the material inheritance but not the rubbish that the dictatorship left behind. He talks about the future as if there is no tainted past. What is very unacceptable is not only him being unapologetic to the damages of Martial Law but by capitalizing on the distorted orientation of the millennials (the youth of this generation) and wrong sense of regionalism. He talks as if he is the messiah who will rewrite our history. For two decades, we allowed his father, tagged as one of the top corrupt leaders in the world, to rule by fear and deception. Bongbong was 28 years old, an adult at the height of martial law. He knew what was going on. He had a bad reputation already at that time. People feared him as well. Now are we going to allow him to perform what can be the greatest con in the history of mankind? Statistics on the extent of human rights violations shown in Tortyur: A Report on Human Rights Violations during the Marcos Regime is hair-raising. Danilo Vizmanos, a West Point-trained Navy Captain turned activist, estimates the extent of suffering under martial law: 7,000 victims of torture, 2,000 salvaged or summarily executed, 1,000 people disappeared (Malanes 1999, 16). But Amnesty International, 1977 Nobel Peace Prize recipient and respected activist organization on global human rights, estimates 70,000 victims imprisoned, 34,000 tortured and 3,240 killed during Martial Law (Tiongson 1997). READ MORE...

ALSO:  By Francisco Tatad - Why is Aquino so afraid of Marcos?
[A friend who was detained during martial law tells me of his conversation with his young daughter, who is an unabashed Bongbong supporter. “Did you know I was a Martial Law victim?” he asked his daughter. “You told me so,” she said. “Why then are you supporting Bongbong, whose father was the author of Martial Law?” he said. “Well, I know nothing about his pop. But we’re talking of Bongbong, and he is cool.” And that, he said, was the end of their conversation. Is any millennial saying, Noynoy is cool?]


FEBRUARY 28 -by FRANCISCO S. TATAD Aquino’s afflictions
Undying hatred of the “Marcos past,” unreasoning fear of a “Marcos-friendly future,” and total rejection of any suggestion from any source that Filipinos had begun to rethink the real value of Martial Law and Ferdinand Marcos’ real standing among Philippine Presidents are among the saddest afflictions of President B. S. Aquino 3rd.These were aggressively on display on the 30th anniversary of the February 25, 1986 EDSA ‘revolt,’ when Aquino relaunched his late parents’ lifelong campaign against the late President Marcos. Completely anathema to Aquino was The New York Times’ observation that Filipinos had become nostalgic about the “golden age” of Marcos, when the Philippines and their President were highly respected everywhere. Aquino frothed in the mouth upon reading this. Ninoy’s politics Since the late ‘60s, the discrediting and destruction of Marcos had been the main object of the late former Senator Benigno Aquino Jr.’s politics. As senator, his uninterrupted polemics was against Marcos. He authored only one law—the Study Now, Pay Later law, which the late former Senator Raul Roco, during his own campaign, claimed to have drafted as Ninoy’s chief of staff—but he delivered endless anti-Marcos speeches. In one such speech he blew the cover behind Marcos’ national security project for Sabah, the Philippine territory, which had been incorporated into Malaysia against our formal protest. This ironically made Ninoy a “hero” and Marcos a “knave” especially to the Malaysians, the British and so many naive and unthinking Filipinos, who had no appreciation of the paramount national interest involved. To this day we suffer the consequences of that highly irresponsible and “treasonous” act. Aquino went beyond mere speeches. Communist broker In 1969, he brokered the meeting between Amado Guerrero (aka Jose Maria Sison), leader of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and Bernabe Buscayno, aka Commander Dante of the New People’s Army (NPA), which forged the ties that launched the Communist rebellion against the government. When the Communists came knocking at the gates of Malacañang, Marcos decided to fight back by declaring Martial Law in 1972. The oligarchy, which counted on the Aquinos, condemned Marcos for proclaiming martial law, but not the Communists who had threatened to overthrow the government and provoked a constitutional response from Marcos. This continues to this day. Plaza Miranda bombing  READ MORE...


READ FULL MEDIA REPORTS HERE:

Palace on martial law: Historical facts don’t lie


Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office Undersecretary Manuel Quezon III was responding to Sen. Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s accusation that President Aquino was causing division in the country with the latter’s frequent dredging up of the horrors of martial law. Marcos is running for vice president in the May 9 elections. Kriz John Rosales

MANILA, FEBRUARY 29, 2016 (PHILSTAR)  By Aurea Calica February 28, 2016 - In retelling stories about the Marcoses and martial law, President Aquino is not sowing disunity but is simply reminding Filipinos – especially the youth – of the sacrifices countless others had to make to help the country win back its freedom, Malacañang said yesterday.

Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office Undersecretary Manuel Quezon III was responding to Sen. Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s accusation that President Aquino was causing division in the country with the latter’s frequent dredging up of the horrors of martial law. Marcos is running for vice president in the May 9 elections.

Speaking over radio dzRB, Quezon said that during the 30th anniversary celebration of the 1986 EDSA people power revolution last Thursday, President Aquino “delivered a powerful speech about the importance of memory,” with emphasis on the contrast between “the freedoms we now enjoy” and the repression suffered by those who lived during the martial law era.

Quezon stressed Aquino’s statements on the Marcoses were adequately supported by historical facts and documented evidence.


NONONG QUEZON

“Like what the President said in his speech, this is not about the Aquinos versus the Marcoses; this is about the truth versus amnesia,” Quezon said.

The latest Social Weather Stations survey results, Quezon noted, indicated that 76 percent of Filipinos were satisfied with the democracy restored through the peaceful uprising in 1986.

READ MORE...

Despite this, “pro-Marcos revisionists still attempt to change our understanding of history.”

Marcos, in a speech during a campaign sortie in Pangasinan, accused the President of divisiveness with the latter’s frequently talking about the past and warning against the return to power of the Marcoses.

The late dictator’s widow is an Ilocos Norte congresswoman while daughter Imee is the provincial governor. Both are running for reelection in May.

The senator said what happened during the regime of his father and namesake must be left to historians and scholars to judge.

Asked whether the President’s speech could dissuade voters from electing Marcos as the country’s number two leader, Quezon responded that it was fair to say that Aquino was voicing the opinions of many of his generation who participated in the 1986 revolution.

Quezon said that while there were revisionists attempting to influence the younger generation, the EDSA anniversary commemoration paved the way for a deeper and more extensive discussion on what truly happened during the Marcos regime.

“And because of this, the young people will have enlightenment and information,” he said.

Furthermore, the Palace official said the senator should be transparent and face the reality that he and his family were still dealing with numerous ill-gotten wealth cases because of their reported abuses while in power.

Quezon said the intention of the administration was not to divide and rule as Marcos had claimed, but to “fight disinformation with facts” and differentiate right from wrong.

Never again, never forget

Citing data from various government departments and agencies, Quezon said the people must not forget the 75,730 persons who filed their claims before the Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board for violations of their rights by the state during martial law.

“About 70, 000 people were detained for being enemies of the state; about 398 enforced disappearances took place between 1965 and 1986. That’s an average of more than 30 disappearances per year between 1976 and 1978 alone,” Quezon pointed out.

He added that about 34,000 people suffered from emotional and physical torture through solitary confinement, for example, as well as through beating, electric shock, rape and other forms of molestation.

“There were 3,240 victims of salvage or extrajudicial killings,” citing an average of about 50 summary executions every year between 1976 and 1978 alone.

When martial law was declared, Quezon said media outlets were shut down. These included seven major English and three Filipino dailies, one English-Filipino daily, 11 English weekly magazines, one Spanish daily, four Chinese dailies, three business publications, one news service, seven television stations, 66 community newspapers and 292 radio stations all over the country.

From a national debt of P2.4 billion in 1965, Quezon said the figure ballooned to P192.2 billion by 1985. And with P395.51 billion total national government debt by the end of 1986, Quezon said 58.63 percent of the gross domestic product was set aside to meet the country’s obligations.

He said the amount plundered during the dictatorship was unimaginable, with the Presidential Commission on Good Government having recovered so far P170.44 billion in ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses.

“As we approach the next national elections, let us consider our candidates wisely. Do we want a president who will lead us to another dictatorship or an uncertain future? Or do we want to be led by a competent candidate with unquestioned integrity? Once again, our nation’s fate is in our hands,” Quezon said.

In a speech in Umingan, Pangasinan, Marcos urged the public to end the culture of divisiveness and unite for a common cause, saying disunity aggravates the problems besetting the country.

“Let us elect leaders who will bring back unity,” Marcos said.

The senator also said he abhorred martial law as such would only mean the country is in a crisis. “We don’t want that to happen,” he said.


Manuel Luis "Manolo" Quezon III (born May 30, 1970) is a Filipino writer, television host and adopted grandson of President Manuel L. Quezon. Manolo Quezon is a columnist and editorial writer for the Philippine Daily Inquirer and the host and writer of The Explainer on the cable ABS-CBN News Channel. He was named Presidential Assistant for Historical Affairs in 2003. He was a history curator from March 2004 to March 2005 at the Ayala Museum. He served as spokesman for the committee in charge of the Inauguration of President Benigno S. Aquino III. After the implementation of Executive Order No. 4, Aquino appointed Quezon as Undersecretary of the Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office. He graduated from the University of the Philippines with a degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science. WIKIPEDIA

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RELATED FROM GETREALPHILIPPINES.COM (FLASHBACK APRIL 2010)

Conrado de Quiros on "the wasted vote" c. Feb 2004 -Do Filipinos really know how to be positive? Posted on April 21, 2010 by benign0


THE LATE CONRADO DE QUIROS (PHNO MISSES THIS WRITER)


Choice: The real point of being a democracy Noynoy supporters miss

Stupid and honest.

That’s what Filipinos want. That’s a conclusion one can draw based on the context of where the following over-used quote I found in one of those other blogs is cited:

Between a fellow who is stupid and honest and one who is smart and crooked, I will take the first. I won’t get much out of him, but with that other guy I can’t keep what I’ve got. – Lewis B. Hershey

Indeed, from the way things are going in the lead up to May 2010, it seems stupid and “honest” is what Filipinos will get.

One political “expert” or the other latches on to it (what I shall henceforth call the Hershey Quote) the way one would to the sort of over-simplifications that speckle typical Philippine election campaigns and misguide the national “debate”.

I kinda like the Hershey Quote to be quite honest.

It serves as an elegant model of how the Filipino mind works (or perhaps, not work). It reduces the national “debate” to populist simple. It harks back to primitivist comfiness — the motherly admonition most Filipinos are familiar with: “wag kang pilosopo” (“don’t try to be too smart if you know what’s good for you!”) and the holy biblical underpinnings (you eat from the Tree of Knowledge, you get kicked out of Paradise).

Stay dumb and keep out of trouble. Try to be smart and you lose your way. Philippine National Philosophy 101 in two sentences. Brilliant!

A more subtle regard for how the Hershey Quote models the Filipino mind lies in how it highlights our society’s focus on people.

Those who subscribe to the message of the Hershey Quote in the way it applies to the choices available for this year’s elections go by the thinking that a “crooked” president necessarily translates to a crooked presidency, and an “honest” president necessarily translates to an honest presidency. But, see, that kind of thinking would apply if the Philippines were an absolute totalitarian state (I’ll go into that later into this piece). However, the Philippines is a democracy. Its system of governance consists of three branches (one of which the Presidency belongs to) that check-and-balance one another. Officers in two out of three of these branches are elected by popular vote.

In short, the democratic system (specially the one we choose to apply to ourselves) is convoluted by design to ensure that even crooked officers are kept honest.

Indeed, in a democracy, we can be assured that each government official is either or — more likely — both (a) mandated by the Vote and (b) kept honest by the system of check-and-balances.

Thus:

Item (a) implies that said officer reflects his constituency. The character of officers of the government — specially those elected by the Vote reflect the character of the people who voted for him/her.

Item (b) implies that the system is inherently complicit to the actions of each officer. The range of actions of each government official reflects the range of behaviour a system tolerates in the elements that compose it.

What does all this mean?

It means that all the trouble we go through and invest in to be a democratic people is to make quality of governance inherent to a system we each have a stake in by virtue of our ability and right to participate in its operation.

That, in effect, makes us accountable for the sort of leaders it produces and the quality of governance it delivers. Democracy is a lot of trouble, specially when comparing it to the relative simplicity of just stepping back and subjecting ourselves to an absolute ruler.

In a democracy, we need to think and be accountable. Under absolute rule we simply heed and follow.

Thus under absolute rule, there is greater if not absolute certainty that an honest ruler will deliver honest rule and a crooked man will deliver crooked rule.


Philippine democracy can only work when mediocre thinking is eradicated -January 2, 2016by benign0 GET REAL PHILIPPINES BLOG

In a democracy where everyone has the opportunity to participate, it’s not quite that simple. The convolusions of a democracy makes it difficult for a single man — even the President — to characterise his government.

As I wrote in my recent article, Choice:

[…] one can be excused under an authoritarian government for seeing politicians and Government as being the primary source of all of one’s problems. But living under a democracy is not too different from enjoying free market economics.

People have choices in a democracy, and therefore there is, in principle, less latitude for a democratic people to make excuses about their misfortunes. Freedom has a price, it requires those who partake of it to use their heads.

When one is faced with choices, one needs to think.

And so, as I wrote way back about that hypothetical one-good-president ideal that Filipinos now see in popular “presidential” candidate Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III (quote below with some modifications to make it relevant);

If we manage to find among our lot of 80 million souls a truly [good leader], then there is no point in being a democratic country [because a democratic system’s convolusion will hinder delivery of his goodness].

Now if we find that the whole point of democracy is not being realised, i.e. it does not mitigate degenerate exercise of power by less-than-benevolent leaders as what is happening, say, in the Philippines, what do you think is the logical next step?

The “logical next step” lies in considering this:

If we are so hell-bent on finding that one good man to be our President to assure us an “honest” rule, or if we are so certain that a “crooked” man will necessarily result in a crooked rule, then we may as well forget about the notion of us being a democratic nation.

That is because we do not and cannot see the point in the trouble we take to be one.


President-elect Noynoy Aquino and outgoing President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo review Honor Guards during the inauguration of Noynoy Aquino as the fifteenth President of the Philippines at Quirino Grandstand on June 30, 2010 in Manila, Philippines. Aquino won the 2010 Presidential Election and was proclaimed winner and President-elect on June 9, succeeding outgoing President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. GETTY IMAGES


TRIBUNE

Denouement Written by Ninez Cacho-Olivares Sunday, 28 February 2016 00:00


BONGBONG MARCOS VS NOYNOY AQUINO

Noynoy has been doing all he can to extinguish the Marcoses from the political scene, mainly because he wants the copyright of the Aquino name engraved in stone in having been the creator of the Edsa People Power revolt (yes Virginia, it was a revolt, not a revolution, no matter what the yellows say) that occurred 30 years ago.

He now fears that if Bongbong Marcos wins the presidency in May, 2016 and again, in 2022, wins the presidency, that Aquino name associated with Edsa I will fade and even die.

What he doesn’t seem to realize is the fact that, if Noynoy had not become the President, even without Bongbong in the vice presidential scene, memories of Edsa I were already fading, shortly after Cory Aquino left Malacañang.

To be more accurate, even with Cory still in Malacañang, less than two years after the Edsa I revolt, the disenchantment over her regime and her inability to usher in real revolutionary change in government and society in general was very palpable among the Filipinos.

What Cory did was merely to rid the country of the so-called Marcos oligarchy, composed of his cronies, and replaced them with her own set of the pre-Marcos oligarchs, as her cronies and her relatives.

That there was corruption during the Marcos years, can hardly be denied, but there was too, a lot of corruption during the Cory years, with Cory, her cronies and her Kamaganak Inc. lording it over in politics and the economy.

The only difference between the Marcos corruption and the Cory Aquino corruption is the fact that the media focused on the Marcos regime corruption, but kept extremely silent on the massive corruption and crimes committed under the Cory Aquino regime, even turning her into a saint.

READ MORE...


IMAGE LOGO FROM PRESIDENTIAL GAZETTE (GOV.PH)

It was the yellows, the victors then, who wrote the history of Edsa, which is hardly factual. As a matter of fact, too much of that history is propaganda — to the point of even airbrushing out of the picture Juan Ponce-Enrile and his role in Edsa I.

For many years after Cory Aquino’s term, Edsa I was almost forgotten, so much so that even on the anniversaries of the revolt, there were hardly any great mass of people celebrating it, save for the yellows and their media.

Then Cory died, and the big broadcast networks and the Aquinos used the death of Cory to prop up Noynoy for the presidency but even after Noynoy became president, anniversaries of Edsa I were still ho-hum and no big deal — until Ferdinand Marcos Jr., suddenly has become a strong candidate for the vice presidency, in fact leading in the pre-poll surveys, and with it came the fear of Nonoy of the Aquinos fading away, and in ignominy too.

After all, he probably has become the worst president the country has ever had, with debts even higher than ever, incurring some P4 trillion in just his five years of his presidency.

He scores Marcos Sr. for the human rights violations committed during his watch, yet Noynoy himself has a long record of his regime having committed even a greater number of human and even civil rights abuses, as well as his having cemented the culture of impunity.

He accuses Marcos Sr. of having imprisoned his father, Marcos’ political foe. But didn’t Noynoy also imprison his political foe, former President Gloria Arroyo? What makes him think that he has the moral ascendancy to smear the Marcoses, when he does the very same thing for which he despises them?

He talks of the return of democracy, yet he tries his best to ensure that the people’s vote is thwarted because he does not want the Marcoses to be relevant again, as he comes up with a non sequitur of Marcos Jr. bringing back martial law.
As Marcos Jr. put it: He cannot declare martial law, as he is merely running for the vice presidency.

Noynoy realizes that things — politically, socially and economically — have gone from bad to worse under his six-year term, which is why the New York Times’ report focusing on Filipinos describing the Marcos years as the “golden years” when things were better off.

Noynoy wants to bask in having the Filipinos and the world see him and his regime as having given the Philippines its “golden years.”

Alas and alack, Noynoy not only destroyed the ideals of Edsa I. He also managed to mar the Aquino name which will be remembered in shame by the Filipinos in the years to come.

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RELATED FROM PINOYEXCHANGE.COM (FLASHBACK 2010)

List of Aquino-Cojuangco Kamag-anak Inc. by Moron Savant in History, January 13, 2010


2010 photo -Richard Gordon, "And It Runs in The Family.."

In a forum among presidential contenders for 2010 Philippine elections, Richard Gordon made this interesting remark: (Noynoy Aquino) has in (his) family a president, a vice president, four senators, congressmen, governors – all the posts in Tarlac, but how is Tarlac?

While I knew that Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino came from a family of politicians, I was never aware that from the Aquinos in Tarlac came personalities who held such political positions as Philippine president, vice president, senators, congressmen and governors.

The presidency was held by Maria Corazon “Cory” Sumulong Cojuangco Aquino. She was t 11th Philippine President.

She was the first Filipino to become the president, and the first popularly and democratically-elected female president and head of state in Asia. A plain housewife, she led the 1986 Edsa People Power Revolution. She is regarded as Saint of Democracy by Time Magazine, and considered as Icon of Democracy by the Filipinos.

The vice-presidency was held by Benigno Quaimbao Aquino. He was also known as Benigno Aquino, Sr. He was first elected to the Philippine legislature in 1919 as representative of the Second District of Tarlac. He was re-elected to the same position in 1922 and 1925.

He won a senate seat in 1928. Benigno Sr. was a member of the Philippine Independence Mission in 1931, which negotiated the terms of obtaining Philippine independence from the US. Under the Commonwealth government, he ran again in 1935 as representative of his district in Tarlac. In 1937, he was appointed as Secretary of Agriculture.

He was recruited by the Japanese to form a government during the World War II, and became the Director-General of KALIBAPI and one of the two assistant chairmen of the Preparatory Commission for Philippine Independence.

When the Second Philippine Republic was inaugurated, he was elected Speaker of the National Assembly (1943-1944). He later served as Vice-President under Laurel. Because of his part in Japanese government, he was tried on treason charges. Released on bail, he died of heart attack in 1947.

The other senators – aside from Benigno Sr. – from the Aquino family are Benigno, Jr., Butz Aquino, Tessie Aquino-Oreta, and Noynoy Aquino.

Benigno Servillano “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. was a Philippine senator and governor of Tarlac. He was also known as an opposition leader against Ferdinand Marcos.

Agapito “Butz” Aquino is a brother of Ninoy and Tessie Aquino-Oreta.

He is a former Representative of the Second District of Makati (1998-2007), and a Philippine senator (1987-1995). Butz entered politics after the death of Ninoy as he wanted to seek justice (for his brother) and continue the cause of his brother.


Cory's brother, Peping Cojuangco began the reign of the Kamaganak Inc. Incidentally, Peping is back under his nephew’s — Benigno Aquino III — presidency.The Cory Aquino cabinet — once the stalwart of opposition against corruption of the Marcoses — now became accused of corruption and patronage themselves. Heherson Alvarez himself was embroiled in illegal logging, accused by no less than Sen. Orly S Mercado. And, lest we forget, Juan Ponce Enrile will forever be hounded about his participation in the coup attempts against the Cory Aquino presidency.***Posted by Asmartrock By N Mark Castro blog.

Maria Teresa Aquino-Oreta is the Representative of the Malabon City-Navotas at the House of Representatives from 1987-1998. In the 1998 national elections, she was elected senator under the opposition banner. She was among the senator-judges in the impeachment trial of Joseph Estrada, during which she voted against the opening of the so-called “second envelope”. After the death, she was caught on camera doing a jig – hence she was nicknamed “dancing queen”.

Then, there is Benigno Simeon Aquino III. He’s a current senator to the 14th Congress of the Philippines. He also served as Representative of the Second District of Tarlac to the 11th, 12th and 13th Congress of the Philippines (19998 to 2007).


Senator Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino III

Those who were congressmen – aside from Benigno, Sr., Butz, Tessie and Noynoy – are Jose Cojuangco, Sr., Jose Cojuangco, Jr. , Mercedes Cojuangco, Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr., Charlie Cojuangco, Mark Cojuangco, Jose Cojuangco II, or Jose Cojuangco, Sr. was the father of Cory Aquino. He was Representative of the First District of Tarlac to 10th Philippine legislature in 1934-1941 and in the National Assembly in 1944-1946.

Jose Cojuangco, Jr. was the Representative of the 1st District of Tarlac to the House of Representatives for the periods 1962-1968 and 1987-1998.

Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco, Jr. was the Representative of the 1st District of Tarlac in 1969-1972. He ran in presidential election in 1992, but lost.

Merceditas Cojuangco Teodero served as assemblywoman in 1978 to 1986.

Gilbert Cojuangco Teodoro was the Representative of the 1st District of Tarlac from 1998 to 2007. As he held the National Defense portfolio and, now, he’s running for presidency, his wife, Monica Prieto-Cojuangco is the Representative of the 1st District of Tarlac.

Marcos “Mark” Cojuangco is the Representative of the 5th District of Pangasinan at present.

Carlos “Charlie” Cojuangco is the Representative of the 4th District of Negros Occidental since 1998 to present. He was a former mayor.

Aside from Ninoy, who was governor of the province, Margarita “Tingting” Cojuangco was elected governor for the period 1992-1998. Eduardo Cojuangco, Sr. served the province in the 1940’s.

Impressive family… In their blood runs the aspiration to serve the people. But, have they been successful?

Richard Gordon’s question provides the answer: how is Tarlac?

And, what’s the significance of the question? Well, Noynoy might be the second Philippine president in the family.

---------------------------
Footnote ***


***N Mark Castro Politics • Policy • Strategy • Communications • Investments • ASEAN Greater Jakarta Area, IndonesiaManagement Consulting Current Jump Digital Asia Pte. Ltd., AndrewTani & Co., PT Brainworks Consulting Previous 60th Asian African Conference | Ministry of Communications & Information Technology, Ocean Investments Centre, Ocean Investment Centre Education Harvard Business School SOURCE LINKEDin


PHILSTAR

Noy: Marcos wanted to use force By Pia Lee-Brago (The Philippine Star) | Updated February 29, 2016 - 12:00am 2 26 googleplus0 1


Philippine President Benigno Aquino III addresses the crowd during the 30th anniversary celebration of the "People Power Revolution" that toppled the 20-year-rule of the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos and helped install his late mother Corazon "Cory" Aquino to the presidency Thursday, Feb. 25, 2016 at suburban Quezon city northeast of Manila, Philippines. The four-day People Power saw hundreds of thousands of Filipinos trooping to EDSA Avenue fronting two military camps to lend support to mutinous soldiers who broke away from Marcos. AP/Bullit Marquez

MANILA, Philippines – In his final 48 hours as president, Ferdinand Marcos wanted to resort to violence, but was persuaded against it by Washington and told to hand over power peacefully, President Aquino disclosed yesterday.

Aquino dispelled the “myth” that Marcos held back the military and police so as not to harm civilians at EDSA.

“One of the enduring myths about Mr. Marcos is that, even in his time of maximum peril, he somehow found it in himself to hold back rather than harm the tens of thousands of unarmed civilians gathered at EDSA,” Aquino said.

“Nothing could be farther from the truth,” Aquino said at the memorial for the late Stephen Bosworth, former US ambassador to the Philippines, at the Church of the Holy Trinity in McKinley Road in Forbes Park, Makati City.

A careful study of the reports and anecdotes right after the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution, he said, dispelled this myth.

Early on the third day of the people power revolt, Marcos sent Marines to attack Camp Crame, which prompted Bosworth to call Washington to report that an attack was expected at dawn.

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“This eventually led President Ronald Reagan to order the ambassador to tell Marcos his time was up, and a transition should be worked out,” he said.

The military prepared on the same day to get through the crowd at Santolan. Then generals Fabian Ver and Josephus Ramas ordered the use of tear gas, artillery, helicopters, and bombs from jets to wipe out the rebels.

Marcos lost his power when the helicopter gunships landed instead at Camp Aguinaldo and the military joined the people who gathered at EDSA.

The other report cited was the order by Ramas to attack Camp Crame even with civilians there.

Col. Braulio Balbas, who received the order, delayed his actions not once, but four times having been given the kill order four times.

“After rebels began strafing Malacañang, Mr. Marcos’ cohorts responded by ordering a suicide assault, which Marcos himself approved, but the Marines refused to do it. I recount these in detail because of the Marcos myth,” Aquino said.

The President also recalled the press conference where Ver argued with Marcos about attacking Camp Crame.

“Today, however, we know that not just one – but several orders had been made, that would have had bloody consequences if carried out,” Aquino said.


PHILSTAR BY SARA SOLIVEN DE GUZMAN

Bongbong, Martial Law and People Power AS A MATTER OF FACT By Sara Soliven De Guzman (The Philippine Star) | Updated February 29, 2016 - 12:00am 1 6 googleplus0 0


By Sara Soliven De Guzman

Are the sins of the father, also the sins of the son?

It is very insulting to our intellect to hear that the former dictator’s son Bongbong Marcos does not inherit the sins of his father, only his wealth. He enjoys all the material inheritance but not the rubbish that the dictatorship left behind. He talks about the future as if there is no tainted past.

What is very unacceptable is not only him being unapologetic to the damages of Martial Law but by capitalizing on the distorted orientation of the millennials (the youth of this generation) and wrong sense of regionalism. He talks as if he is the messiah who will rewrite our history.

For two decades, we allowed his father, tagged as one of the top corrupt leaders in the world, to rule by fear and deception. Bongbong was 28 years old, an adult at the height of martial law. He knew what was going on. He had a bad reputation already at that time. People feared him as well. Now are we going to allow him to perform what can be the greatest con in the history of mankind?

Statistics on the extent of human rights violations shown in Tortyur: A Report on Human Rights Violations during the Marcos Regime is hair-raising. Danilo Vizmanos, a West Point-trained Navy Captain turned activist, estimates the extent of suffering under martial law: 7,000 victims of torture, 2,000 salvaged or summarily executed, 1,000 people disappeared (Malanes 1999, 16).

But Amnesty International, 1977 Nobel Peace Prize recipient and respected activist organization on global human rights, estimates 70,000 victims imprisoned, 34,000 tortured and 3,240 killed during Martial Law (Tiongson 1997).

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* * *

The Martial Law years is the darkest period in the history of the Philippines. My family had first-hand experience of those years saddled with fear and the chaos in the streets brought about by the powerful military. My dad, the late Maximo V. Soliven was incarcerated. He was among the journalists who were imprisoned at that time and put under house arrest until martial law was lifted in 1981. But even after 1981, Marcos was still on his toes controlling every sector of Philippine society. People were not free until the end of his rule. Bongbong was very conscious of what was going on. He was an active participant and ally of his father even wearing a military uniform on the day of havoc.

There are myriads of articles and reports written on the excessive wealth, massive violence and corruption during the Marcos regime. You should read more about the many stories and reports about the Marcoses to clarify your thoughts.

* * *

Ferdinand Marcos and his cronies did not only empty the country’s treasury but also violated human rights. The same report (Tortyur…) also stated that in a repressive regime such as the Marcos regime, the women were not respected. Cited in the report were the following cases: Eta Rosales, a teacher at the Jose Rizal College was placed in a safe house in Pasig and was tortured. She was stripped naked where she suffered from the Russian Roulette, electric shocks, strangulation and candle burns. Marcos’ torturers only stopped when she pretended to be dying. Hilda Narciso was placed in a small room where she was raped. She was fed with soup of worms and rotten fish. Judy Taguiwalo, a student activist and community organizer was brought to a military office in Iloilo. She was stripped naked and was subjected to water torture. Fe Mangahas, a historian and active member of the faculty union of the University of the East, was arrested and detained in Camp Aguinaldo along with her husband-poet Roger. She confirmed the existence of the “white house” where screams of women being molested could be heard every night. Lualhati Roque, twenty-five years old was sexually abused and tortured by military elements despite her heart ailment. Maria Elena-Ang was electrocuted, water cured, deprived of sleep, pistol-whipped and subjected to sexual indignities.

Women were not spared from the torture because patriotism does not choose any gender. Apart from the physical damage, torture aimed to break the spirit. But the spirit of freedom despite torture, soared among many of these freedom fighters who carried on with the fight until victory was achieved in 1986 – The EDSA Revolution.

Why didn’t Bongbong try to put a stop to all these or at least go against his father’s whims? Why does he still believe his father is the greatest leader this country ever had? Why doesn’t he take a better stand today on these issues? After a long period of silence (almost 30 years) he suddenly returns to the political scene praising his father to the high heavens. After all the statistics written on corruption, torture and violence he still has the audacity to claim this with his head up high? Sanamagan!

* * *

Last week was the 30th anniversary of the EDSA Revolution. The People Power Revolution was a strong action taken by the country against the Marcoses. Ferdinand Marcos, his family along with their allies was ousted after betraying the Filipinos for 20 years. Today, we are free. We have achieved democracy. Are we going to allow Bongbong who has the blood of his father and the genes of a dictator to take all this freedom away again? Will we allow him to continue their tradition of exploiting this land while abusing our people? We must always take heed of all the lessons we have learned from history. The youth of our land should not be naïve as it will be very dangerous for our country’s future.

Yes, today our country is still lurking in the shadows of the past generation. But our young leaders will surely change the political and social landscape of the Philippines. What is necessary is to remove the remnants of the Marcos years. The Cory Aquino years and years after are all transitional years. This is the time for a new change, the real change. Our leaders must think country. We are in a new epoch of life. It’s about time we discern about our future.

There is no daang matuwid in this country. Even if our P-Noy claims that it exists. In reality the practices Marcos did is parroted by the leaders today. The candidates continue to buy votes and spend millions of pesos in order to get that golden seat in government – again with the ultimate goal of corrupting our society. If the past and present Administrations have been serious in building a strong nation, they should have achieved that by now. It is very easy to change things – just put your heart and soul into it and most important work with the true dedication for public service. But then again, our leaders continue to carry on the “Marconian” (my own coined word) tradition of glut, avarice, selfishness, indulgence, torment, tyranny, despot and kleptocracy.

I remember my father saying, “the EDSA revolution may have removed Ali Baba but not the forty thieves. They are all still very much around. In fact they have grown in numbers.” Susmariosep!


MANILA TIMES BY FRANCISCO TATAD


Why is Aquino so afraid of Marcos? February 28, 2016 11:18 pm  FRANCISCO S. TATAD


by FRANCISCO S. TATAD

Aquino’s afflictions
Undying hatred of the “Marcos past,” unreasoning fear of a “Marcos-friendly future,” and total rejection of any suggestion from any source that Filipinos had begun to rethink the real value of Martial Law and Ferdinand Marcos’ real standing among Philippine Presidents are among the saddest afflictions of President B. S. Aquino 3rd.

These were aggressively on display on the 30th anniversary of the February 25, 1986 EDSA ‘revolt,’ when Aquino relaunched his late parents’ lifelong campaign against the late President Marcos. Completely anathema to Aquino was The New York Times’ observation that Filipinos had become nostalgic about the “golden age” of Marcos, when the Philippines and their President were highly respected everywhere. Aquino frothed in the mouth upon reading this.

Ninoy’s politics

Since the late ‘60s, the discrediting and destruction of Marcos had been the main object of the late former Senator Benigno Aquino Jr.’s politics. As senator, his uninterrupted polemics was against Marcos. He authored only one law—the Study Now, Pay Later law, which the late former Senator Raul Roco, during his own campaign, claimed to have drafted as Ninoy’s chief of staff—but he delivered endless anti-Marcos speeches.


In one such speech he blew the cover behind Marcos’ national security project for Sabah, the Philippine territory, which had been incorporated into Malaysia against our formal protest. This ironically made Ninoy a “hero” and Marcos a “knave” especially to the Malaysians, the British and so many naive and unthinking Filipinos, who had no appreciation of the paramount national interest involved. To this day we suffer the consequences of that highly irresponsible and “treasonous” act.

Aquino went beyond mere speeches.


Portrait of Filipino politician and leader of the anti-Marcos opposition Benigno Aquino Jr. (1932 - 1983) as he talks, early 1980s. Aquino lived in exile in the United States from 1980 to 1983 and was assassinated at the airport on his return to the Philippines in August 1983. Upon his death his wife, Corazon Aquino, became the leader of the democratic opposition to Ferdinand Marcos. She became president in 1986. January 01, 1980| Credit: Bernard Gotfryd LICENCE

Communist broker

In 1969, he brokered the meeting between Amado Guerrero (aka Jose Maria Sison), leader of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and Bernabe Buscayno, aka Commander Dante of the New People’s Army (NPA), which forged the ties that launched the Communist rebellion against the government. When the Communists came knocking at the gates of Malacañang, Marcos decided to fight back by declaring Martial Law in 1972. The oligarchy, which counted on the Aquinos, condemned Marcos for proclaiming martial law, but not the Communists who had threatened to overthrow the government and provoked a constitutional response from Marcos. This continues to this day.

Plaza Miranda bombing

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In 1971, Aquino accused Marcos of having ordered the bombing of the Liberal Party political rally at Plaza Miranda, where all the top party leaders were on stage except for himself, the party secretary-general, who was mysteriously out of reach during the attack. He surfaced later, dressed in a military uniform, apparently ready to oust Marcos and take over, if any of the LP leaders had been killed. The toll was high, but none among his top colleagues were killed.

Years later, the Communists confessed to the crime, but former Senate President Jovito Salonga, one of the most seriously injured bombing victims, said, “Ninoy had something to do with it.” But Aquino never apologized, nor was condemned for it. As Marcos’ most important martial law prisoner, he was sentenced to death by a military tribunal, but allowed to leave for the US for a heart surgery. He returned three years later only to be gunned down at the international airport that now bears his name.

Marcos warning
Marcos, through his Defense Secretary, Juan Ponce Enrile, had tried to dissuade him from coming home, citing a reported security threat, which the government was apparently still trying to ascertain. This went unheeded, and he returned. The rest is history. Marcos was blamed instantly for the murder, and members of the aviation security command were accused and convicted of the crime. But the grieving widow, who became revolutionary president after ousting Marcos, never bothered to find out the real brains behind it. Neither did her son PNoy, who became President in 2010. Mother and son simply encouraged the public to believe, without any basis, that Marcos was responsible.

Cory’s politics

Cory spent her six and a half years in office trying to wipe out anything and everything that bore Marcos’ mark. She discarded the government’s full-scale industrialization program; scrapped the Department of Energy, the all-but completed Bataan Nuclear Power Plant and the entire national energy program; exempted her own family-held Hacienda Luisita from land reform; left all of Imelda Marcos’ cultural projects to the elements; expunged “Isang Bansa, Isang Diwa” from the national consciousness; handpicked 50 individuals to write a new Constitution because she could not trust the Filipinos to elect those who should do it; barred the Marcoses from returning to the country to answer charges against them, but instead asked the US to prosecute them for some of these crimes; spent over a trillion pesos in six and a half years to build a few flyovers in Metro Manila, as against the P600 billion or so Marcos had spent to build all the infrastructure in the country in 20 years; barred Marcos from being buried in the Libingan ng mga Bayani where even dogs and scoundrels lie.

PNoy does one better

Now PNoy has done his deceased parents one better, by savaging not only Marcos pere but also Marcos fils. He has warned the nation against the “dangers” of making Sen. Ferdinand (Bonging) Marcos Jr. the next Vice President of the Philippines.

As though the vice presidency, which has no known official duties or responsibilities, had become more important than the presidency, and in charge of running the government. Or that, finally guilt-stricken about his hopelessly inept and heartless six years in office, Aquino has reached the conclusion that no son of a former President should ever be allowed to go near it.

To Aquino and his claque, trying to prevent Bongbong from becoming Vice President has now become as important as, if not more important than, trying to prevent Vice President Jejomar C. Binay from becoming the President. The plot against Binay continues, even after it has begun to produce the most embarrassing results. But it has, interestingly enough, also spun a subplot against Mar Roxas, the very candidate who is supposed to benefit from the original plot.

If Executive Secretary Paquito Ochoa and his “Samar Group” had their way, Aquino would have dumped Roxas by now for his poor survey ratings. He would have openly supported Sen. Grace Poe Llamanzares, the constitutionally ineligible foundling, whom he is trying to help before the Supreme Court where her disqualification by the Commission on Elections is under review.

Upon my petition and those of three other petitioners, the Comelec has disqualified her and cancelled her Certificate of Candidacy for misrepresenting herself as a natural-born citizen and a resident of the country for the last 10 years.

Still, Aquino has not shown the same aversion to and fear of Binay as he has vis-a-vis Marcos. Why is this? Is it because he knows that even with the PCOS (precinct count optical scan) machine—now renamed VCM (voting counting machine)—under his control, he may not be able to stop the surge in favor of Marcos, without courting serious trouble?

As the only Ilocano candidate for Vice President, Bongbong has rekindled the spirit of the “Solid North,” which has already produced three Presidents—Elpidio Quirino, Ramon Magsaysay and Marcos, and which has traditionally contributed the cream of its youth to our armed forces.

What millennials say

Among the millennials, the crank propaganda effort to recreate “the horrors” of Martial Law appears to have failed.

A friend who was detained during martial law tells me of his conversation with his young daughter, who is an unabashed Bongbong supporter. “Did you know I was a Martial Law victim?” he asked his daughter. “You told me so,” she said. “Why then are you supporting Bongbong, whose father was the author of Martial Law?” he said. “Well, I know nothing about his pop. But we’re talking of Bongbong, and he is cool.”

And that, he said, was the end of their conversation.

Is any millennial saying, Aquino is cool?

Unblemished

Of the five senators running for VP, Bongbong alone has not been tarred for receiving P50 million or more from Malacañang to convict and remove Supreme Court Chief Justice Renato Corona during his Senate impeachment trial.

Next only to Senate President Franklin Drilon, who received P100 million, Francis Escudero received the biggest chunk of P98 million, while Alan Peter Cayetano, Antonio Trillanes 4th, and Greg Honasan received not more than P50 million each.

This was an unspeakable crime, which should have immediately disqualified them from public office. Aquino knows this could not be said of Marcos.

The long view

But one more thing needs to be said, Although Bongbong may not have in him Aquino’s vindictive streak, and as Vice President, he may take no active interest in jailing Aquino for his crimes, his own presidency could just be a matter of time, and when his time comes, he could have the nation’s political history purged of all the bogus and revisionist claims that have made heroes out of opportunists, traitors, villains and scoundrels during the two Aquino regimes.

The Aquinos, whose treason began with PNoy’s grandfather’s collaboration with the Japanese during the last Pacific war, would finally be exposed for what they are, and brought down from their outrageous pedestal.

Permanently, we trust.

Leni in trouble


MANILA TIMES EXCLUSIVE HEADLINE: LP stalwarts to dump Mar, Leni. SPARE TIRES? Sen. Grace Poe and Sen. Francis Escudero. Ruling party splinter group to back Grace, Chiz. STALWARTS of the Liberal Party (LP), including President Benigno Aquino 3rd, are considering shifting their support to the tandem of Senators Grace Poe and Francis “Chiz” Escudero if the team-up of Manuel “Mar” Roxas 2nd and Camarines Sur Rep. Leni Robredo will not take off in the next surveys, according to sources from the group of Poe and the Palace. The sources said Poe and Escudero will be the administration’s “spare tire” if the survey ratings of Roxas and Robredo will not improve. January 17, 2016 9:34 pm by JOEL M. SY EGCO, SENIOR REPORTER

Aquino’s fear has apparently become palpable within his own circle. Thus, some close supporters of Congresswoman Leni Robredo, the Liberal Party vice presidential candidate, have accused him of preparing to dump her because of her poor survey ratings, in favor of Escudero, who has higher ratings.

Robredo and Escudero, together with Honasan, are not only Bicolanos but also natives of the same town, Bulan, Sorsogon.

By marrying the late former Naga City mayor and former DILG Secretary Jesse Robredo, whose death in a private plane crash remains a mystery, Leni became a resident of Camarines Sur, the biggest of the Bicol provinces, where she is said to enjoy strong “hometown” support. By contrast, Escudero is said to have made so many political enemies in his native Sorsogon. No wonder, despite his supposedly high rating, I have yet to hear someone say she’ll vote for him.

And Roxas, too

Malacañang has formally denied the accusation, just as it has denied that Aquino was positioning the constitutionally ineligible Mrs. Llamanzares to replace Roxas, should his numbers fail to improve.

But Malacañang was reportedly behind the move to make Solicitor General Florin Hilbay argue before the Court as ‘Tribune of the People,’ that foundlings of no known parentage are natural-born citizens, even without any basis in the Constitution. And Malacañang was reportedly behind the recent move of the Commission on Human Rights to submit an intervention in the Llamanzares case, even without leave of Court after the parties had submitted the case for resolution.

As lead petitioner against Mrs. Llamanzares, I have asked the Court, through legal counsel Manuelito Luna, to require the CHR to show cause why it should not be cited for contempt for its illegal and highly unethical intervention. We shall see how the Court treats our motion.

A medical issue

Amid all this, Aquino has managed to remain reasonably restrained with respect to anyone that threatens to cancel his (declared or secret) presidential candidate. It is the vice presidential contest where he tends to exaggerate his reaction.

At the mere mention of Marcos’ name, he seems to froth in the mouth, ready to climb walls. This could present some custodial problems after he steps down.

Should he take former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s place in her present detention, or does he need a “home” or an “institution” where he will have the privilege of thinking that he is the only sane person in the whole wide world?

This appears to be a medical issue; the doctors should be looking into it.


Chief News Editor: Sol Jose Vanzi

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