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PRESIDENT AQUINO TELLS YOUTH TO STUDY THE HISTORY OF THE EDSA REVOLT


FEBRUARY 25, 2016 -President Benigno Simeon Aquino III flashes the 'Laban' sign as he observes the re-enactment of the historic “Salubungan” of former President Fidel Ramos-led AFP- PNP contingents. In photo from left FVR, Aquino, Ochoa PHOTO FROM PCOO WEBSITE FROM BALITANG MALACANAN (PCOO) President Benigno S. Aquino III has encouraged the country's youth to know the history of the EDSA People Power Revolution to avoid a repeat of the dark years of Marital Law. In his speech during the 30th anniversary celebration of the EDSA revolt on Thursday, the President recalled the hardships during martial rule when the government suppressed freedom as former president Ferdinand Marcos and his cronies committed abuses and engaged in corruption. "Ngayon po, ang hiling ko sa kabataan: Alamin ninyo ang nangyari noong EDSA," he said, addressing young Filipinos. "Meron tayong museo na bahagi ng ating pagdiriwang: Ang EDSA People Power Experiential Museum, kung saan sa bahagya ninyong mararanasan ang kalupitang ipinatupad noong diktadurya, sulitin sana ninyo ang pagkakataong itong makita kung gaano kahalaga ang kalayaan at demokrasyang nasa sa inyo nang mga kamay." The President said he believes that today's young generation appreciates the sacrifices made by their elders, especially those who fought Martial Law. Young Filipinos can reap the fruit of the reforms sowed today in decades to come, he said. Quoting the words of his mother, the late president Corazon Aquino, he said, “The problems we face are our generation’s making. It is our generation that has to correct them. Your role is to prepare yourselves better to avoid making the same mistakes." READ MORE...

ALSO: Bongbong - Noy sowing disunity which aggravates problems already besetting the country
[No to martial law. Also yesterday, Marcos ruled out any possible declaration of martial law similar to what his father, former president Ferdinand Marcos, did during his time. “Oh no. Because if there is martial law, it means we are in crisis. We don’t want that to happen,” he said.]


In a speech before local officials here, Marcos, who is running for vice president, said the administration has adopted the divide and rule tactic, which aggravates the problems besetting the country. Bongbongmarcos.com
UMINGAN, Pangasinan, Philippines – Sen. Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. yesterday accused President Aquino of sowing disunity and promoting selective justice at the expense of his political enemies. In a speech before local officials here, Marcos, who is running for vice president, said the administration has adopted the divide and rule tactic, which aggravates the problems besetting the country. He urged the public to end the culture of divisiveness and unite for a common cause. “Let us elect leaders who will bring back unity,” Marcos said. He declined to react to the call of Aquino to stop the return of the Marcoses to power, saying it’s the people who will decide come election day. No to martial law Also yesterday, Marcos ruled out any possible declaration of martial law similar to what his father, former president Ferdinand Marcos, did during his time. “Oh no. Because if there is martial law, it means we are in crisis. We don’t want that to happen,” he said. He told reporters that his father’s role is better left to historians and that instead of focusing on the past, today’s leaders should strive to find solutions to the country’s problems. Meanwhile, Sen. Cynthia Villar showed up in Marcos’ campaign sortie here and declared her support for his vice presidential bid. “I will no longer campaign (for Senator Marcos) because he is very strong here in Pangasinan,” Villar told municipal mayors attending a meeting. Villar and Marcos are both members of the Nacionalista Party. THE FULL REPORT

ALSO: ‘Carmma’ (Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacañang) to hound Bongbong campaign


FATHER and son in the days of the dictatorship INQUIRER File photo A movement composed of martial law victims vowed to hound the campaign sorties of Sen. Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. and block his bid for the vice presidency. Carmma—which stands for the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacañang—was launched Thursday in Quezon City in a gathering of torture victims and the families of activists who disappeared during the iron rule of Bongbong’s father, Ferdinand Marcos. Carmma will serve as a conscience for voters, especially the youth for whom history has been distorted through the social media, according to University of the Philippines professor Judy Taguiwalo. Aside from mass actions and forums, the group will use the social media and use creative means like concerts and poetry readings to raise awareness about the suppression of basic freedoms and the massive corruption under the Marcos dictatorship. For Bonifacio Ilagan, vice chair of Selda (Samahan ng mga Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto), the Marcos scion is “not the guiltless son that he presents himself to be.” In a manifesto, Carmma recounted the “sins” of Bongbong. In 1985, he was appointed board chair of the Philippine Communications Satellite Corp. (Philcomsat), receiving a salary of $9,700 to $97,000, the manifesto said. Philcomsat was later discovered by government auditors as one of the entities used to siphon ill-gotten wealth out of the country, an apparent precursor of the pork barrel scam, Karapatan chair Marie Hilao-Enriquez noted. READ MORE...

ALSO: Noy - Stop Marcos return!
[Aquino slams Marcos son, says martial law not PH’s ‘golden age’ -Inquirer video https://youtu.be/I9IXzEpBv8U]


Philippine President Benigno Aquino III addresses the crowd during the 30th anniversary celebration of the "People Power Revolution" that toppled the Marcos dictatorship. PHILSTAR FILE  Forced to flee the country 30 years ago by a popular uprising, the Marcoses are poised to regain power unless the people – especially the youth – shun attempts by the late dictator’s family and supporters to revise history, President Aquino warned yesterday. The President raised the warning in a speech at yesterday’s commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the EDSA people power revolution that ousted Ferdinand Marcos and catapulted Corazon Aquino to the presidency. Marcos’ only son and namesake is running for vice president. The dictator’s widow Imelda is an Ilocos Norte congresswoman, while daughter Imee is provincial governor. Aquino said supporters of the Marcoses were trying to rewrite history by glossing over the abuses and repression during martial law. “Is this not happening now? Those who want to revise our history have reached some success, in that they have been able to fool a number of the youth,” the President said. “You can even see the style of the loyalists in traditional and social media: they continue to dictate a narrative, in order to manipulate the opinions of the people,” he added. READ MORE...ALSO, Ex-PhilPost head cries injustice over Ombudsman raps, says timing ‘highly suspicious’

ALSO: Palace: Budget for EDSA anniv rites not lavish


Malacañang on Monday defended the government’s allocated budget for the 30th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution to be commemorated on Thursday, February 25.
Undersecretary Manuel Quezon III of the Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office (PCDSPO) said the budget previously pegged at P30 million to P35 million “would be as low as possible for an event of this importance.” “Hindi ko alam paanong masasabing lavish dahil simple lang naman ang programa,” Quezon told reporters. “Nakikita naman natin sa social media at sa iba’t ibang mga lugar na talagang merong effort an durugin ang kumpiyansa natin sa sarili, na ibalewala ang dinaanan ng bayan para magkaroon ng EDSA, at iangat ang reputasyon—kung puwede pa ‘yung gawin—ng dating diktador,” he added. He said most of the budget would have been spent for the Experiential Museum -- an interactive museum that will be set up inside Camp Aguinaldo which aims to educate the youth about the People Power Revolution and the dictatorship it fought. “Doon lang natin malalaman kung bakit mahalaga ang ating kalayaan at hindi ito isuko muli,” he said. Commissioner Emily Abrera of the EDSA People Power Commission earlier said that a portion of the budget will also be sourced from fundraising and other organizations but “majority will still be [from the] government.” Quezon said “preparations are well underway” for the anniversary rites to be led by President Benigno Aquino III, son of popular opposition leader Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. and former President Corazon Aquino. —ALG, GMA News THE FULL REPORT


READ FULL MEDIA REPORTS HERE:

President Aquino tells youth to study the history of the EDSA revolt


President Benigno Simeon Aquino III flashes the 'Laban' sign as he observes the re-enactment of the historic “Salubungan” of former President Fidel Ramos-led AFP- PNP contingents. In photo from left FVR, Aquino, Ochoa PHOTO FROM PCOO WEBSITE

MANILA, FEBRUARY 29, 2016 (BALITANG MALACANAN) (PCOO) 25 FEBRUARY 2016 - President Benigno S. Aquino III has encouraged the country's youth to know the history of the EDSA People Power Revolution to avoid a repeat of the dark years of Marital Law.
In his speech during the 30th anniversary celebration of the EDSA revolt on Thursday, the President recalled the hardships during martial rule when the government suppressed freedom as former president Ferdinand Marcos and his cronies committed abuses and engaged in corruption.

"Ngayon po, ang hiling ko sa kabataan: Alamin ninyo ang nangyari noong EDSA," he said, addressing young Filipinos.

"Meron tayong museo na bahagi ng ating pagdiriwang: Ang EDSA People Power Experiential Museum, kung saan sa bahagya ninyong mararanasan ang kalupitang ipinatupad noong diktadurya, sulitin sana ninyo ang pagkakataong itong makita kung gaano kahalaga ang kalayaan at demokrasyang nasa sa inyo nang mga kamay."

The President said he believes that today's young generation appreciates the sacrifices made by their elders, especially those who fought Martial Law.

Young Filipinos can reap the fruit of the reforms sowed today in decades to come, he said.

Quoting the words of his mother, the late president Corazon Aquino, he said, “The problems we face are our generation’s making. It is our generation that has to correct them. Your role is to prepare yourselves better to avoid making the same mistakes."

READ MORE...

Today's young people are free to dream, have careers and nurture their own families, things that were difficult to do during the Martial Law years, he said.

"Kayo ang pinakamakikinabang kung mapapangalagaan ang ating kalayaan, kaya’t nawa’y maunawaan ninyo ang tangan ninyong responsibilidad. Nawa’y mag-ambagan tayong lahat, upang hindi na kailanman muling manaig ang kadiliman sa Pilipinas," he told the youth.

"Nawa’y ang kalayaang kay tagal nating minithi ay hinding-hindi na mababawing muli."
Present generations of Filipinos must stand firm because there are groups that remain loyal to the Marcoses, who want to erase the abuses and excesses of the past.

These people want the public to believe that the country benefitted from the dictatorship, calling the Martial Law years the golden days of the Philippines, the President said.

"Sadya nga nilang tinatabunan ang mga naabot natin sa Daang Matuwid: Ngayon, may higit 7.7 na milyong Pilipino ang naitawid na mula sa kahirapan; nariyan ang higit 4.4 milyong kabahayang suportado ng Pantawid Pamilya, pati na ang 92 percent ng ating populasyon na saklaw na ng PhilHealth," the President said.

Under the present reforms, he said, 40 percent of the poorest of the poor now have access to free medical care in government hospitals.

The Philippines has also recorded the lowest unemployment rate in the past 10 years, he said, adding that the government has constructed many infrastructure projects that now benefit the people. PND (as)


PHILSTAR

Bongbong: Noy sowing disunity By Perseus Echeminada (The Philippine Star) | Updated February 27, 2016 - 12:00am 4 259 googleplus0 0


In a speech before local officials here, Marcos, who is running for vice president, said the administration has adopted the divide and rule tactic, which aggravates the problems besetting the country. Bongbongmarcos.com

UMINGAN, Pangasinan, Philippines – Sen. Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. yesterday accused President Aquino of sowing disunity and promoting selective justice at the expense of his political enemies.

In a speech before local officials here, Marcos, who is running for vice president, said the administration has adopted the divide and rule tactic, which aggravates the problems besetting the country.

He urged the public to end the culture of divisiveness and unite for a common cause.

“Let us elect leaders who will bring back unity,” Marcos said.

He declined to react to the call of Aquino to stop the return of the Marcoses to power, saying it’s the people who will decide come election day.

No to martial law

Also yesterday, Marcos ruled out any possible declaration of martial law similar to what his father, former president Ferdinand Marcos, did during his time.

“Oh no. Because if there is martial law, it means we are in crisis. We don’t want that to happen,” he said.

He told reporters that his father’s role is better left to historians and that instead of focusing on the past, today’s leaders should strive to find solutions to the country’s problems.

Meanwhile, Sen. Cynthia Villar showed up in Marcos’ campaign sortie here and declared her support for his vice presidential bid.

“I will no longer campaign (for Senator Marcos) because he is very strong here in Pangasinan,” Villar told municipal mayors attending a meeting.

Villar and Marcos are both members of the Nacionalista Party.

------------------------

RELATED FROM WIKIPEDIA

Economic history of the Philippines (1973–1986)

The Philippine economy between 1973 to 1986 suffered from a downturn due to a mixture of domestic and international problems after experiencing years of positive growth.

These were the years that saw the country under Ferdinand Marcos and martial law, the assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr., changes to the Philippine energy law,[clarification needed] and the success of the EDSA People Power Revolution.

Declaration of martial law
President Ferdinand E. Marcos declared martial law in the midst of rising student movements and an increasing number communist and socialist groups lobbying for reforms in their respective sectors.

Leftists held rallies to express their frustrations to the government, this restiveness culminating in the First Quarter Storm, where activists stormed Malacañang Palace only to be turned back by the Philippine Constabulary. This event in particular left four people dead and many injured after heavy exchanges of gunfire.

There was further unrest, and in the middle of the disorder on 21 September 1972, Marcos issued Proclamation No. 1081, effectively installing martial law in the Philippines, a declaration that suspended civil rights and imposed military rule in the country.

Marcos defended his actions stressing the need for extra powers to quell the rising wave of violence allegedly caused by the communists. He further justified the decree citing the provisions from the Philippine Constitution that martial law is in fact a strategic approach to legally defend the Constitution and protect the welfare of the Filipino people from the dangerous threats posed by vigilantes that place national security at risk. The emergency rule, according to Marcos’s plan, was to lead the country into what he calls a “New Society”.



The move was initially supported by most Filipinos and viewed by some critics as a change that would solve the massive corruption in the country. Indeed, it[clarification needed] ended the clash between the executive and legislative branches of the government and a bureaucracy characterized by special interests.

The declaration, however, eventually proved unpopular as excesses, continued corruption, and human rights abuses by the military emerged.

Macroeconomic indicators


1970-1980 Growth Rates of GDP per capita (in%)

The GDP of the Philippines rose during the martial law, rising from P55 million to P193 million in about 8 years.

This growth was spurred by massive lending from commercial banks, accounting for about 62% percent of external debt.

As a developing country, the Philippines during the martial law was one of the heaviest borrowers. These aggressive moves were seen by critics as a means of legitimizing martial law by purportedly enhancing the chances of the country in the global market.

Much of the money was spent on pump-priming to improve infrastructure and promote tourism. However, despite the aggressive borrowing and spending policies, the Philippines lagged behind its Southeast Asia counterparts in GDP growth rate per capita. T

he country, in 1970–1980, only registered an average 3.4 percent growth, while its counterparts like Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia garnered a mean growth of 5.4 percent.

Employment

Despite government efforts to pump-prime the economy to increase income and encourage spending, unemployment and underemployment grew. The unemployment rate rose from 5.2 to 5.9 percent from 1978–1983, while underemployment was a problem, the latter tripling, in the same time period, from 10.2 to 29.0 percent. Concurrently, the labor force of the Philippines grew at an average 4.47 percent in 1970-1983.

This can be attributed to an increasing number of women seeking work in the market.

Poverty and income distribution

Income inequality grew during the era of martial law, as the poorest 60 percent of the nation were able to contribute only 22.5 percent of the income at 1980, down from 25.0 percent in 1970.

The richest 10 percent, meanwhile, took a larger share of the income at 41.7 percent at 1980, up from 37.1 percent at 1970. These trends coincided with accusations of cronyism in the Marcos administration, as the administration faced questions of favoring certain companies that were close to the ruling family.

According to the FIES (Family Income and Expenditure Survey) conducted from 1965 to 1985, poverty incidence in the Philippines rose from 41 percent in 1965 to 58.9 percent in 1985.

This can be attributed to lower real agricultural wages and lesser real wages for unskilled and skilled laborers. Real agricultural wages fell about 25 percent from their 1962 level, while real wages for unskilled and skilled laborers decreased by about one-third of their 1962 level. It was observed that higher labor force participation and higher incomes of the rich helped cushion the blow of the mentioned problems.

Main development strategies

In the two decades of Marcos’s rule, Philippine economic development strategy had three central pillars: the Green Revolution, Export Agriculture and forestry, and foreign borrowing.

The green revolution


US President Johnson with President Marcos -Green Revolution: Production of rice was increased through promoting the cultivation of IR-8 hybrid rice. In 1968 the Philippines became self-sufficient in rice, the first time in history since the American period. It also exported rice worth US$7 million.

Rice, the foundation of the Philippine economy, is the country’s single most important crop, and the staple food for much of the population. It is especially important to the country’s poor majority, as both consumers and producers.

A central element of Philippine development strategy since the mid-1960s has been the introduction of new rice technology, popularly known as the “Green Revolution”. The technological key in this strategy is the introduction of ‘high-yielding varieties’, also called as HYVs.

The birthplace of this new technology was in Los Banos, where the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) was established. Scientists were recruited from around the world, and the world’s largest collection of rice varieties was assembled to provide the genetic raw material for IRRI’s plant breeders. Their efforts focused on combining the genetic attributes of high fertilizer responsiveness and a short-statured plant type, so as to create a variety which could support heavy ears of grain without toppling under their weight.

The architects of this technology had one overriding objective: increased food production. Proponents of the strategy expected, however, that the new rice technology would also have a positive distributional impact on the poor. Three major benefits were taken to be virtually self-evident:

1. Increased rice output would, ceteris paribus, lower the price of rice.
Since the poor spend a larger fraction of their income on food than the rich do, the idea is that they would benefit excessively.

2. Poor farmers would share in the gains to rice producers.
The new technology was labor intensive. This would be a special advantage to smaller growers who have lower labor costs.

3. Landless agricultural workers would benefit too.
Thanks to the increased demand for labor and the resulting increased employment and higher wages.

New rice technology: Three essential elements:
The following key factors of the new rice technology were interdependent. That is, if one was absent, the productivity of the others was greatly reduced.

1. ‘High-yielding’ or ‘modern’ rice varieties originated at the IRRI
2. Chemical fertilizers, to which these varieties are highly responsive
3. Water control, notably irrigation in the Philippine setting

Among these, water control remains a key constraint in Philippine rice agriculture. Improvements in often “can be most efficiently achieved by the mobilization of community labor”, but this poses problems with respect to public welfare. How will labor commitments and other costs be apportioned? How will irrigation water be fairly allocated? In some places, these problems have been resolved; but elsewhere, conflict and mistrust among individuals have “impeded collective action”.

The green revolution brought temporary relief from this impasse, allowing the country to achieve substantial rice yield increases via the shift to new seed-fertilizer technology. But constraints in irrigation did not permit the new varieties to attain their full potential yields, nor did it permit much increase in multiple cropping.

Green revolution: Overall effect

All in all, the green revolution in the Philippines succeeded in fulfilling its architects’ primary objective: greater food production. In little more than two decades, the country’s rice output doubled. In pursuit of this goal, the planners chose what appeared to be the easiest route―breeding of new varieties for “high fertilizer response”.[citation needed] In fact, the rise in fertilizer prices was sparked by the energy crises of the 1970s, but it did not act as a serious impediment to output growth.,

In addition, economic theory tells us that consumers in general, and poor consumers in particular, will benefit from increased output and the resulting price declines. Despite the positive impact of lower prices on poor consumers, absolute poverty increased. “Cheaper rice mitigated, but did not reverse the trend towards impoverishment.”

Export agriculture and forestry



The year 1962 was a good one for Philippine export agriculture. Devaluation and deregulation of foreign exchange brought windfall profits to agro-exporters, and were widely seen as a “political triumph” for its main traditional exports.

Coconut products were the single largest export of the Philippines in the Marcos era. The Philippines accounts for more than half of world's coconut exports.

Exports of Major Agricultural and Forestry Products, 1962-1985, in US $ million f.o.b value

In fact, the country is sometimes termed as the ‘Saudi Arabia of coconut oil’, which understates its share of the market while overstating its market power (it is severely constrained by the existence of natural and synthetic substitutes).

Copra exports began in the late 19th century in response to European and North American demand for margarine and soap manufacturing. The use of coconut oil in the world economy after the World War II shifted from edible to non-edible industrial products such as soap, detergents, cosmetics, explosives, and pharmaceuticals.

Sugar was the Philippines’ second most important agricultural export during the Marcos years.

Its exports date from the 18th century, but its commanding role in the Philippine political economy began in the latter half of the 19th century as large plantations were established in Negros. Sugarcane acreage doubled from 250,00 hectares in 1962 to more than 500,000 in the mid-1970s.

In the mid-1970s, however, the Philippine sugar industry went into decline, ultimately reaching to the point in 1987 where the country had to import sugar in order to meet domestic needs. According to James K. Boyce,[who?] factors that caused this decline were the (1) softening of world prices, (2) loss of favored access to the US market, and (3) creation of a monopsonistic[clarification needed] sugar trading apparatus under the Marcos regime.

After coconut and sugar, Bananas were the Philippines' number three export crop. Their export began only after Japan lowered its tariff barriers in the 1960s. The Philippines became Asia’s ‘banana king’, attributed as the “only one of the world’s top six banana exporters outside Latin America.” The development of the banana export industry has been accompanied by dramatic yield increases.

Pineapples are the fourth leading ‘non-traditional’ agricultural export of the Philippines. In the mid-1980s, the Philippines ranked as the world’s second largest exporter, after Thailand, of both canned and fresh pineapples. According to the official statistics, pineapple acreage more than doubled.

Philippine forestry products include raw logs, cut lumber, plywood and veneer. These have been “comparable to sugar as a source of Philippine export earnings” since the early 1960s. From less than 10 percent of total exports in the early 1950s, it grew to more than 25 percent in the 1960s. However, export volume began to decline as the country’s forest resources were depleted.

Philippine earnings, nevertheless, did not rise equally owing to worsening terms of trade. The country experienced severely declining terms of trade and great price instability for its agricultural exports from 1962 to 1985.

These price movements were “the result of external political and economic forces over which the Philippines could exercise little control.” Thus relying on export agriculture as an “engine of economic growth” proved unfeasible.

Export agriculture and forestry: Overall effect

The income generated by exports accumulates not to countries, but to “specific individuals within them”.

 In the Philippines, these arrangements typically have led to a highly inequitable result―where the peasants and laborers who produce the crops have received minimal rewards for their efforts, and those who control land and markets, especially the state, have profited greatly.

Yes it is true that the explicit aim of the Marcos regime’s development strategy for export agriculture was “growth in output and export earnings”. Behind the scenes, however, the regime “aggressively pursued another agenda”―the redistribution of income to favored individuals. Marcos even deployed state power to put control of the country’s top agricultural exports securely in the hands of presidential cronies. The result is sad: dramatic redivision of the agro-export income pie having bigger slices for the privileged few and smaller for the rest.

Foreign borrowing: The debt-for-development strategy

Foreign borrowing was a key element in Philippine development strategy during the Marcos era. The primary rationale was “borrowed money would speed the growth of the Philippine economy, improving the well-being of present and future generations of Filipinos”.

Debt-driven growth, 1970-1983

The government financed its spending primarily from foreign debt. From $2.9 billion in 1973, it rose to $6.8 billion in 1976 and $17.3 billion in 1980. The balance of payments also behaved generally well in the earlier years, with surpluses recorded from 1973 to 1974. However, an increasing trend of deficits followed the years afterwards.

From 1974 to 1976, investments were still very high as the government still engaged in massive spending. Spending on infrastructures was primarily the focus of the government, targeting an increase economic growth and tourism. Because of the large influx of investments from the public and private sector and the increase in economic activity, together with high domestic savings which financed part of government spending, the Philippines survived the first oil price shock, the Middle East oil embargo which started in 1973 and caused inflation to rise in the Philippines.

By the years 1977-1980, the Marcoses primarily supported and focused on the expansion of its government-owned corporations, which were able to loan from foreign institutions for investments.[3] According to Joseph Lim of the University of the Philippines, a businessman in 1981 related to Marcos fled the country with $80 million worth of debt in international and local banks. Because of the gravity of the parties involved, the Central Bank, together with national banks like Philippine National Bank and Development Bank of the Philippines, formed a bailout package and rescued the banks and companies implicated, which paved way for “the expansion of the money supply from 1980 to 1983.”

The outflow of capital, termed “capital flight", contributed to the foreign exchange depletion as seen in Table 2 (qtd. in Boyle, 1990). "As the import liberalization program started to be implemented, important sectors … became more and more monopolized by the cronies of Marcos.”

Battle for stabilization, 1983-1986

After the assassination of political rival Benigno Aquino, the Philippines saw itself at the brink of an economic freefall.

Due to the sudden collapse of confidence and credit ratings from international financial institutions, the Philippine government, had difficulty borrowing new capital to cut the increasing budget deficit, much of it payments to interest from debt.

The government was thus forced to declare a debt moratorium[3] and started to impose import controls and implemented foreign exchange rationing, which temporarily halted its import liberalization program. The peso was again devalued in 1984 by almost 100 percent.

The Central Bank was later forced to start a new program, issuing “Central bank bills ... at more than 50 percent interest rate – which most likely contributed to the high inflation in 1984 and 1985.”

This was aimed at attracting inflows of foreign currency due to the higher domestic interest rate and to lower deficit and aggregate demand. This resulted in a reduction the balance of payments and national account deficits but at the same time also started an economic decline of about 7 percent in the years 1984 to 1985. Investments also fell by about 50 percent in 1985 due to lower economic growth.

According to Lim, the government also employed measures to reduce overall government expenditures to reduce deficits. This effort, however, was partially caused by the fall in tax revenues during that time as public speculation about the weaknesses of the government was increasing.

However, because of the large deficit incurred by the Central Bank due to bailouts and assumption of debts from bankrupt firms, this measure had relatively no effect on the overall deficit that the government had by the end of 1986 the Marcos regime has fallen.

External debt: magnitude and composition

Between 1962 and 1986, the external debt of the Philippine grew from $355 million to $28.3 billion. By the end of the Marcos years, the Philippines was the “ninth most indebted nation in Asia, Africa, and Latin America in absolute terms”.

Other development policies

The Marcos regime, during the early to mid-'70s, focused primarily on improving the economy and the country's public image through major increases in government spending particularly on infrastructures.

Its main beneficiaries were the tourism industry, with numerous constructions, such as the Philippine International Convention Center, hotels, and even the hosting of international events like the Miss Universe and IMF forums to be able to improve the international status of the county.

This policy generally continued even through the 1980s, when the world was experiencing stagflation, an international debt crisis, and high increases of interest rates.

The early effects of the increase in government spending were generally positive. Private businesses and firms, seeing this action by the government, felt bullish and also engaged in aggressive investment and spending patterns. Initially, the gross domestic capital formation to GDP rose up to 28% and foreign investments to the country also increased.

The government, in the 1970s, also focused on an “Export-led Industrialization Program” which focused on “non-traditional manufactured exports and foreign investments.” This led to an increase of foreign direct investment in the country particularly to manufacture export-oriented goods. This program also allowed the government to be able to “shift the composition of exports toward a more balanced mix between non-traditional manufactures and primary/agricultural exports.”

With this growth in the export sector, there also accompanied growth in the import sector particularly since imported raw materials (also known as intermediate imports) were sourced for domestically produced goods. This led to the worsening deficit at that time, especially by the end of the decade, accompanied by the second oil price shock.

Assessment of the Marcos regime

Poverty during the Marcos era deepened despite a modest increase in average national income. Even by the narrower objective of economic growth, the Philippine strategy cannot have claimed great success.

Compared to other East and Southeast Asian countries during the same period, economic growth was slow, and by the mid-1980s “it was grinding to a halt.”

The three central elements of the government’s development strategy―the ‘Green Revolution’ in rice agriculture, continued growth in agricultural and forestry exports, and massive external borrowing―received strong intellectual and financial support from international officialdom.

The new rice technology increased output but failed to bring substantial reductions in poverty. Export agriculture and forestry failed to provide an engine for economic growth. Foreign borrowing led to too little investment that was genuinely productive. This three-prong failure of the Philippine development strategy thus was also a failure of the international development establishment.

Moreover, the Marcoses have been notoriously linked to the massive government debt that the Philippines is still facing today.

Marcos's goal of strengthening the Philippines to be internationally competitive may have been well-intentioned, but its execution ultimately led to widespread corruption and mismanagement.

Together with his declaration of martial law and the suppression of civic freedom, the Philippines faced serious threats to the integrity of its social and economic structures.

The initial period of the martial law and Marcos’ economic policies generally stimulated the Philippine macro-economy.

During this period, the Philippines grew “in pace with its ASEAN neighbors… although more lavish and wasteful in its spending.”


THE DOWNFALL OF A DICTATOR: The President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986, his initial promise was overshadowed by a totalitarian regime marred by corruption and murder. FROM HISTORY BLOG

However, progresses were only temporary as the government struggled to manage its growing debt that was the direct result of its massive spending. Aggravated by worldwide crisis like the Middle East oil embargo and “high world interest rates and the Brazil-Mexico debt moratoria” the Philippines had difficulty sourcing new funds mainly to pay its interest dues from debt.

This demonstrates how Keynesian ideals work in the short run, but not in the long run.

The Marcos era was clearly an example of how a centralized government can fail because of its insistence on protecting the interests of the few in power.

Filipinos ultimately paid the price in bailing out large companies and literally paying for the debt from which only a handful of people benefited.

The government overspent, even in times of positive economic growth, and failed to improve its local industries primarily geared towards exports on par with its borrowing.

This is similar to the Mexican Crisis in the 1980s with the difference that the government failed to recover as well because of corruption, mismanagement, and also rising political instability that led to a shift in power in the EDSA People Power Revolution.


INQUIRER

‘Carmma’ to hound Bongbong campaign SHARES: 5247 VIEW COMMENTS By: Erika Sauler @erikasauler Philippine Daily Inquirer 12:50 AM February 5th, 2016


FATHER and son in the days of the dictatorship INQUIRER File photo

A movement composed of martial law victims vowed to hound the campaign sorties of Sen. Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. and block his bid for the vice presidency.

Carmma—which stands for the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacañang—was launched Thursday in Quezon City in a gathering of torture victims and the families of activists who disappeared during the iron rule of Bongbong’s father, Ferdinand Marcos.

Carmma will serve as a conscience for voters, especially the youth for whom history has been distorted through the social media, according to University of the Philippines professor Judy Taguiwalo.

Aside from mass actions and forums, the group will use the social media and use creative means like concerts and poetry readings to raise awareness about the suppression of basic freedoms and the massive corruption under the Marcos dictatorship.

For Bonifacio Ilagan, vice chair of Selda (Samahan ng mga Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto), the Marcos scion is “not the guiltless son that he presents himself to be.”

In a manifesto, Carmma recounted the “sins” of Bongbong. In 1985, he was appointed board chair of the Philippine Communications Satellite Corp. (Philcomsat), receiving a salary of $9,700 to $97,000, the manifesto said.

Philcomsat was later discovered by government auditors as one of the entities used to siphon ill-gotten wealth out of the country, an apparent precursor of the pork barrel scam, Karapatan chair Marie Hilao-Enriquez noted.

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“We suffered during martial law under a Marcos who muzzled us and raped the economy. His successors learned from him, as the pork barrel shows,” Enriquez said. “We fought martial law and we will fight Bongbong Marcos’ vice presidential bid.”

The economy bled to death due to behest loans granted by Marcos Sr. to his cronies, Carmma said. Under his rule, the number of Filipinos living below the poverty line doubled from 18 million in 1965 to 35 million in February 1986.

“The dictator also left behind a staggering foreign debt of $27 billion. This belies the claim of Bongbong that life was better off for Filipinos under Marcoses,” Carmma said.

Taguiwalo flared up when a TV reporter asked if a particular politician was behind the anti-Bongbong campaign. “If you know what we had gone through under martial law, what we have given up and what we have suffered, you wouldn’t even dare ask that question. I really feel insulted that you think there’s a politician prodding us to organize this,” the UP professor said.

“We are not anti-Marcos because we want to be in Malacañang. Our motivation has always been true freedom and democracy,” she said.


PHILSTAR

Noy: Stop Marcos return By Aurea Calica (The Philippine Star) | Updated February 26, 2016 - 12:00am 0 3 googleplus0 0


Philippine President Benigno Aquino III addresses the crowd during the 30th anniversary celebration of the "People Power Revolution" that toppled the Marcos dictatorship. PHILSTAR FILE

MANILA, Philippines - Forced to flee the country 30 years ago by a popular uprising, the Marcoses are poised to regain power unless the people – especially the youth – shun attempts by the late dictator’s family and supporters to revise history, President Aquino warned yesterday.

The President raised the warning in a speech at yesterday’s commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the EDSA people power revolution that ousted Ferdinand Marcos and catapulted Corazon Aquino to the presidency.

Marcos’ only son and namesake is running for vice president. The dictator’s widow Imelda is an Ilocos Norte congresswoman, while daughter Imee is provincial governor.

Aquino said supporters of the Marcoses were trying to rewrite history by glossing over the abuses and repression during martial law.

“Is this not happening now? Those who want to revise our history have reached some success, in that they have been able to fool a number of the youth,” the President said.

“You can even see the style of the loyalists in traditional and social media: they continue to dictate a narrative, in order to manipulate the opinions of the people,” he added.

READ MORE...

“I believe that it is not our fate to repeat the grim parts of our past; our fate is the sum of the decisions we make in the present,” Aquino pointed out.

“I believe in the greatness of our people. I believe that, even if we are known for our patience, it has its limits – and if those limits are reached, then no one will be able to stop the wave of solidarity that will follow.”


SALUBUNGAN: Confetti rains on the crowd as former President Fidel Ramos leads military, police and civilian contingents in a re-enactment of the ‘Salubungan’ at the intersection of White Plains Avenue and EDSA during the commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the EDSA people power revolution yesterday. Inset shows President Aquino joining Ramos and Bobby Aquino, son of the late senator Agapito ‘Butz’ Aquino in re-enacting the victory jump after the Marcoses fled Malacañang on Feb. 25, 1986. BOY SANTOS

Recent developments, he said, remind him of a famous line in a movie: “The greatest trick the devil ever pulled was convincing the world he didn’t exist.”

He said it was appalling that some groups were trying to make it appear that the martial law era was a “golden age” for the country.

“To all those who maintain that Mr. Marcos should not be blamed for the things that took place under his regime, I can only say: Is it not true that, if you assume all power in yourself, you should also assume all responsibility?” he said.

Without referring to the younger Marcos by name, Aquino said he couldn’t accept the senator’s pronouncement that he knew nothing to be sorry about during his father’s rule.

The President argued that if the senator was clueless about what his family had done, “how can we be confident that he will not repeat the same?”

“All I can say is, thank you, because you have at least been honest in showing us that you are ready to emulate your father,” Aquino said.

“Do not mistake me: this is not about the Aquinos versus the Marcoses; it is clear to me that this is about right versus wrong,” he added.

Puzzled In some of his trips abroad, Aquino admitted having difficulty answering queries on whether the Marcoses were still in power.

“Every time I leave the country, I tend to get asked: ‘Is it true that the Marcoses are still in power?’ I have to admit, it is very difficult to explain. To this day, it is still painful to think that a Filipino had the gall to inflict such abuse on his countrymen, like what Mr. Marcos did,” the President said.

Citing a report, Aquino said the 1986 Commission on Elections tabulators were fearful and worried that the Marcoses would return to power because they themselves had seen the blatant cheating to favor the dictator during that time.

He said the abuses could have continued had the people not mustered the courage to stand up.

“We were able to unite as one people, and by the grace of God, we toppled the dictatorship without resorting to a bloody civil revolution,” the President said.

He added that if the surveys were to be believed, the son of the dictator was gaining success in winning supporters and sympathizers. This could also mean the people have forgotten “what we once said – enough is enough.”

The President also said it was not surprising that those who benefited during the dictatorship would continue to say that Filipinos did not get anywhere since EDSA.

“They want us to believe that we had a better life under Mr. Marcos – since, anyway, that was the promise forcibly sold by the dictator. But where did his 21 years of leadership take us? Did our country not turn into the ‘Sick Man of Asia?’ Indeed, they are trying to smother all that we have achieved on the straight and righteous path,” Aquino said.

The President said he could only shake his head in disappointment whenever he was told Marcos’ time was the golden age of the Philippines.

“Perhaps they were golden days for him, who – after completing two terms as president, which is equivalent to eight years – created a way to cling to power,” he maintained.

There had also been stories of businessmen not wanting their ventures to grow for fear of getting noticed by the dictator and forced to share earnings with him and his cronies, Aquino said.

‘Golden age’ of turmoil And if it’s any golden age at all, the martial law era was a golden age of rising national debt, brain drain, communist insurgency and violence in Mindanao, he added.

When Marcos began his time in office in 1965, Aquino said the national government owed P2.4 billion and by the end of 1985, national debt had grown to P192.2 billion.

“And because this money did not go where it was supposed to, the payment of this debt burdens us to this day,” he said.

The President said many Filipinos also left for the Middle East during martial law.

The martial law period, he said, also saw the growth of the New People’s Army from only 60 armed members to 25,000 because of the people’s disillusionment with the government.

“It was also the golden age for those who abused our Moro brothers and sisters. Land grabbing became a trend in Mindanao, and the Marcos regime, in stead of siding with those who were abused, seemed to approve of the actions of the abusers,” Aquino said.


A handout photo from the Philippine Air Force shows a fighter plane hovering over EDSA during yesterday’s celebration of the people power revolution.

While the regime could have worked for justice or passed a law to fix the situation, “the solution they pushed for involved the Philippine Constabulary and the Armed Forces,” the President said.

Aquino reminded the people of the achievements of his administration in forging peace with Muslim rebels through the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro. He said the only thing missing is a Bangsamoro Basic Law.

“I feel a deep sense of disappointment, because the only law that can bring forth justice and peace is being blocked,” he said, pointing out that Marcos heads the Senate committee where the BBL got stalled. He cited Minority Leader Juan Ponce Enrile’s long interpellation of the measure in the last session day.

“And is it not true that these two surnames were the ones who pushed for a military solution against the Moros during the dictatorship?” Aquino said.

“To our bosses: Many of us who suffered during martial law can understand the plight of our Moro brothers and sisters. My family likewise confronted the extreme abuses of those in power,” the President said.

Son’s anguish On a personal note, the President said his father was put in solitary confinement for seven years and seven months at Fort Magsaysay in Nueva Ecija for being a threat to the dictatorship.

“They took his reading glasses so that everything he saw would be blurry. They took his watch so that he could not measure the passage of time. They took his ring so that he could not have anything to remember his wife and his family by. They painted his cell white, so that he would forget that there was a world outside those walls,” Aquino said.

While his father was a civilian, he was tried in a military tribunal and it was Marcos who appointed the members of the prosecution and the defense as well as the judge.

“The one lawyer who disagreed with what was happening was likewise removed. It was such incidents that popularized the term: ‘Lutong Macoy:’ situations cooked up precisely to suit the dictator’s tastes,” Aquino said.

The President said the dictator did not stop with his father, as the licenses of their drivers were revoked so that they could not work.

“Even our helpers who were not even employed by us anymore – like my nanny and her husband, who was our driver – were apprehended so that they could be forced to testify against my father. The last time my nanny was arrested, she was six months pregnant,” Aquino said.

The President said their gardener was also taken by the authorities and went home with only a few of his teeth remaining and his faced badly bruised.

“In almost every part of our nation, there are stories of those who were taken without warning, tortured and killed, or those who disappeared, whose bodies have not been found to this day,” Aquino said.

“Let me emphasize: All this happened. Is there anyone here who can accept the possibility that we will return to a time in which these things can happen to you, or to your loved ones? A government that was given power by the people, used this very same power to abuse the people,” the President said.

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INTERAKSYON ONLINE

EDSA@30: View from the other side of the revolt By: Joel C. Paredes, InterAksyon.com February 24, 2016 5:45 PM InterAksyon.com The online news portal of TV5


InterAksyon file photo of a blighted part of Pasay City. Thirty years after what millions had hoped would be real, systemic change with the ouster of a dictator, poverty and related problems haunt Filipinos still in search of answers. [the adjective blighted to describe something that has a condition that makes it weak or unable to grow-FROM THE FREE DICTIONARY)

MANILA - Thirty years after the historic EDSA revolution, nothing much has changed and the problems the citizens have fought so hard to resolve persist in society.

A lot of people disillusioned especially with the abject failure of the administration to attend to their most pressing problems - jobs, hunger, lack of access to public services, and very pointedly, the decrepit system of mass transportation - point to this in playing down the significance of the 4-day people power revolt.

More so ABAKADA Rep. Jonathan Dela Cruz, who has made it is his advocacy to remind people that the bloodless revolution can never overshadow the concrete achievements of the Marcos era, the gross human rights abuses and stealing notwithstanding.

While the nation commemorates the first bloodless revolution on Feb. 25, many people have lamented that the younger generations do not fully recognize what transpired in EDSA, but the party-list legislator begged to differ.

Dela Cruz, one-time president of the Ateneo University Student Council, believes that the younger generation is not really forgetting the past, contrary to public perception that the country’s millennial generation has no idea of EDSA and the lessons learned from the uprising.

“They are asking ’ano nga ba ang mga nangyari?” Dela Cruz asked aloud in an interview with InterAksyon.com. He had served during the martial law regime as the country’s special envoy to the Middle East and now continues to serve as an adviser to the Marcos family.

”In a sense the dreams and aspirations that purportedly engineered that particular revolution or EDSA uprising have apparently been lost in terms of dreams unfulfilled, aspirations not met, and of course, a country that remains stagnated and divided as never before,” dela Cruz observed.

Even if he was identified with a disgraced regime, Dela Cruz said that he had always tried to help bring about change.

Dela Cruz, who said he was espousing a “national democratic revolution” in his youth, noted that he, too had always wanted fundamental changes. “It’s not just a change in the leadership. It was a change in the system,” he said.

But he later chose to join the government, like some of the pre-martial law activists, with an eye to getting a chance to help set rules, craft policy and carry out programs which could be of help in an impoverished nation.

Later, he helped in the organized deployment of overseas Filipinos, which Mr. Marcos once considered in the seventies as a stopgap measure to an ailing economy, until such time the country can absorb the labor force that it is producing.

“That is the reason why we wanted to engage because we wanted to find out how we can do something worthwhile for the country in government. Even if it is government that we thought was not the ideal government, “ he said.

Until now, Dela Cruz's conviction is that the problem lies in the country's flawed systems.

He noted that while Martial Law is being portrayed as the culprit for most of society’s problems at the time, people should also be rational in assessing the real roots of the problems.

“It is the system. Up to now. Kasi yung sinasabi nila na [Because they're taking about] corruption -- corruption is not just a Marcos problem . It remains a national malady. Human rights is not a Marcos issue, it is national issue we have to face. The secessionist issue is also not a Marcos issue, It is a national issue up to now,” dela Cruz said, lamenting that three decades after the revolution, people are still faced with the same problems as before – poverty, injustice, inequity.

“It was not Marcos who had to be changed or his lieutenants, but the entire system. And that included those who were clamoring, who were actually presenting themselves as the leaders of the opposition,” pointed out the activist-turned-congressman, now considered one of the most effective critics of the current administration - led by the only son of the martyred senator Ninoy Aquino, then deemed Marcos' top political rival. Ninoy's widow Corazon, despite her political inexperience, was catapulted to the presidency after Marcos was ousted in February 1986.

Dela Cruz also noted that the Marcoses submitted themselves to a process when Mrs. Aquino called for “unity and reconciliation with justice.”

“It’s not as if they ran away. They were forced to go to the US in exile but they faced the cases,” he said. “Nothing has happened by the way,” he said, referring to the bulk of the cases. None of the Marcoses has been jailed, though billions of pesos of what are believed to be Marcos assets, some held by cronies, have been seized by the State since 1986, and are being used to compensate claimants in a class action for human rights abuses.

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INQUIRER

ALSO: Ex-PhilPost head cries injustice over Ombudsman raps, says timing ‘highly suspicious’ SHARES: 307 VIEW COMMENTS By: Yuji Vincent Gonzales @YGonzalesINQ INQUIRER.net 09:15 PM February 25th, 2016


Maria Josefina Dela Cruz, Former Postmaster General & CEO, Philippine Postal Corporation PHOTO FROM PHILPOST

FORMER Philippine Postal Corporation (PhilPost) postmaster general Josefina “Josie” Dela Cruz has cried injustice over the charges that the Office of the Ombudsman filed against her over her alleged failure to remit the loan of an employee to the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS).

READ: Ex-PhilPost head faces raps over GSIS loan payments

Dela Cruz told INQUIRER.net that she was quite surprised with the charges, especially because it was her who supposedly saved the government agency from bankruptcy and led it to a “good standing” status.

Ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales last Monday signed a resolution ordering charges to be filed against Dela Cruz after the anti-graft body found probable cause to charge her with 15 counts of violation of the GSIS Act of 1997.

The Ombudsman said Dela Cruz and two other respondents failed to remit the loan amortizations of employee Santos Pamatong Jr. to the GSIS from October 2011 to December 2012.

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She said it was her predecessors who failed to remit the GSIS premiums and loan amortizations, noting that the loan appeared unremitted as she prioritized the back-payables.

The former Bulacan governor, who assumed office as PhilPost head on July 18, 2011, also noted that they consulted with the GSIS regarding the remittance of loan.

READ: PhilPost defends ex-chief over graft raps

“Ang thinking ko noon, kung ano ‘yung matagal nang hindi bayad, uunahin ‘yun… Those before me did not really remit, and we have already been remitting,” Dela Cruz said in a phone interview.

“Upon advise ng GSIS, sa halip na bayad ako nang bayad, babalikan na lang ‘yung months… bayaran na ‘yung current at habulin na lang ‘yung previous,” she added.

Dela Cruz also noted that Pamatong, the complainant, had already requested for a refund of his amortization, which was granted and fully paid.

The ex-PhilPost chief said the filing of charges was done “in bad faith” and was “totally unfair,” only if the investigators would look into it.

“Sino pang tulad ko ang tatanggap ng bankrupt na kumpanya kung ako pang nagsalba ako pang mapapahamak,” Dela Cruz said.

“I really appeal to Ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales to look into this carefully, because this is a clear injustice,” she added.

Dela Cruz, who is running again for governor of Bulacan under the Nationalist People’s Coalition, said the timing of the filing of charges was “highly suspicious,” especially less than three months before the national elections in May.

“Bagama’t sinasabi nilang tuwid na daan, ito ang gobyerno na dapat may puso,” Dela Cruz said.


GMA NEWS NETWORK

Palace: Budget for EDSA anniv rites not lavish Published February 22, 2016 4:12pm By KATHRINA CHARMAINE ALVAREZ, GMA News

Malacañang on Monday defended the government’s allocated budget for the 30th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution to be commemorated on Thursday, February 25.

Undersecretary Manuel Quezon III of the Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office (PCDSPO) said the budget previously pegged at P30 million to P35 million “would be as low as possible for an event of this importance.”

“Hindi ko alam paanong masasabing lavish dahil simple lang naman ang programa,” Quezon told reporters.

“Nakikita naman natin sa social media at sa iba’t ibang mga lugar na talagang merong effort an durugin ang kumpiyansa natin sa sarili, na ibalewala ang dinaanan ng bayan para magkaroon ng EDSA, at iangat ang reputasyon—kung puwede pa ‘yung gawin—ng dating diktador,” he added.

He said most of the budget would have been spent for the Experiential Museum -- an interactive museum that will be set up inside Camp Aguinaldo which aims to educate the youth about the People Power Revolution and the dictatorship it fought.

“Doon lang natin malalaman kung bakit mahalaga ang ating kalayaan at hindi ito isuko muli,” he said.

Commissioner Emily Abrera of the EDSA People Power Commission earlier said that a portion of the budget will also be sourced from fundraising and other organizations but “majority will still be [from the] government.”

Quezon said “preparations are well underway” for the anniversary rites to be led by President Benigno Aquino III, son of popular opposition leader Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. and former President Corazon Aquino. —ALG, GMA News


Chief News Editor: Sol Jose Vanzi

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