PHILIPPINE HEADLINE NEWS ONLINE: Since 1997 © Copyright (PHNO) http://newsflash.org



EDITORIALS & OPINIONS OF THE WEEK:
(Mini Reads followed by Full news commentary)
FROM GMA NEWS NETWORK

BY Naomi Burke Shyne - EXECUTION WON'T FIX THE DRUG PROBLEM


JUNE 24 -By Naomi Burke-Shyne For people convicted of drug crimes on Indonesia's death row, the Islamic Holy Month of Ramadan has added significance this year. After moving 15 prisoners to "Execution Island" last month and announcing that their deaths by firing squad could take place at any time, the country's attorney general conceded he might postpone the killings because "well, executing fasting is not good, is it?" It's too bad that this moral sense isn't applied year-round. Although many countries punish people for their drug addiction, only 36 have laws that prescribe the death penalty for drug-related convictions. Seven, including Indonesia, regularly enforce the death penalty as a sentence for drug offences (others include China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam)Indonesia is currently the center of international attention for a number of reasons — one of which is the fact that executions represent an abrupt about face for the country, which until last year had appeared to be upholding a de facto moratorium on the use of the death penalty. The upcoming executions were set in motion less than a month after the country's delegation to the UN was booed from the gallery during a speech about the use of the death penalty to combat drug trafficking, and are just one part of a chilling series of executions planned for 2016 and 2017. Another reason for the international spotlight is the fact that Indonesia is executing foreigners — with blatant disregard for international opinion. Neither the booing at the UN nor direct appeals by other countries has had any impact. In 2015, following intensive efforts by Brazil and the Netherlands to win clemency for two citizens convicted of drug offenses in Indonesia, the pair were executed by firing squad along with an Indonesian woman and three other foreigners (from Nigeria, Malawi and Vietnam). READ MORE...

ALSO: Cracks show inside Islamic State's shrinking caliphate


JUNE 29 -ERBIL, Iraq - It was barely more than a squiggle, but the mark of a single letter sprayed overnight on a wall in the heart of Islamic State's self-proclaimed caliphate was a daring act of dissent. The next day, ultra-hardline Islamic State fighters came and scrubbed out the "M" -- the first letter of the word for "resistance" in Arabic -- which appeared in an alley near the Grand Mosque in the Iraqi city of Mosul about three weeks ago. A video of the single letter, scrawled about a meter long on the wall, was shared with Reuters by an activist from a group called "Resistance", whose members risk certain execution to conduct small acts of defiance in areas under Islamic State rule. Nearly two years since Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi delivered a sermon from that same mosque summoning Muslims worldwide to the "caliphate", it is fraying at the edges. As an array of forces make inroads into their territory spanning Iraq and Syria, the jihadis are becoming even harsher to maintain control of a population that is increasingly hostile to them, according to Iraqi officials and people who managed to escape. "They are harsh, but they are not strong," said Major General Najm al-Jubbouri, who is in command of the operation to recapture Mosul and the surrounding areas. "Their hosts reject them." Many local Sunnis initially welcomed the Sunni Muslim militants as saviors from a Shi'ite-led government they perceived as oppressive, while thousands of foreigners answered Baghdadi's call to come and wage holy war. For a time, the militants claimed one victory after another, thanks as much to the weakness and division of the forces arrayed against them as their own strength. They funded themselves through sales of oil from fields they overran, and plundered weapons and ammunition from those they vanquished. But two years since the declaration of the caliphate, the tide has begun to turn in favor of its many enemies: Iraqi and Syrian government troops, Kurdish forces in both countries, rival Syrian Sunni rebels, Iranian-backed Shi'ite militias, and a US-led coalition which has bombed the militants while conducting special operations to take out their commanders. Of the 43 founders of Islamic State, also known as ISIS, ISIL or Daesh, 39 have been killed, said Hisham al-Hashimi, a Baghdad-based expert who advises the Iraqi government. READ MORE...

ALSO: THE GLORY OF DEMOCRACY - Kasaysayan, tradisyon at kahalagahan ng inagurasyon


JUNE 29 -President Duterte wishes to have a simple Inaugural, a break from tradition. But what are the traditions that he will break? Sa Huwebes ay pasisinayaan na ang bagong pangulo at pangalawang pangulo ng Pilipinas. E ano naman ito sa atin? Nangangahulugan ito ng mapayapang pagpapatuloy ng ating pamahalaan na hindi katulad halimbawa ng nangyari noong digmaan, o noong People Power Revolution o noong EDSA Dos na masalimuot ang pagkakaroon ng bagong pamunuan. Ang pagpapasinaya ay nangangahulugan ng tagumpay ng demokratikong proseso sa bansa at affirmation ng mandato na ibinigay sa pangulo ng sambayanang Pilipino. Ayon sa Article VII, Section IV ng Saligang Batas ng 1987, magsisimula ang termino ng pangulo at pangalawang pangulo na kada-anim na taon ng June 30 matapos ang halalan. Pero bago ang Martial Law, December 30 ito ginagawa, Araw ni José Rizal. Tigib ng kahulugan at kasaysayan ang mga seremonya at protocol ng inagurasyon. Ngunit ang pangulong-halal, Pangulong Rodrigo Roa Duterte, ay nagnanais ng isang mas simpleng inagurasyon sa Rizal Ceremonial Hall ng Palasyo ng Malacañang. Ito rin ang unang pagkakataon na hiniling ng isang pangulo na maging hiwalay ang kanilang inagurasyon ng pangalawang pangulong-halal, Leni Gerona Robredo. Interesanteng makita kung ano ang mga tradisyon na isasagawa at mawawala batay sa naging mga inaugurasyon sa ating kasaysayan. READ MORE...

ALSO: The new bae of baked goods - Are Americans ready for ube?


JUNE 30 -FIlipino food is, pun intended, taking root overseas. Ube (purple yam) is slowly gaining ground and finding its way into more and more menus across the US. Matthew Moll tracks the "ube invasion" for GQ, pointing to Brooklyn-based restaurant Manila Social Club's donuts as the reason for the increase in the number of purple-hued desserts across the city. "There aren’t tons of purple foods and this color is so intense and deep. It is something people really like. It’s striking. When you cut ube open you see a color you can kinda get lost in. It’s natural marketing," Moll quotes Björn Dela Cruz , chef at the Manila Social Club. New York, of course, is no stranger to ube. One of the more famous modern Filipino restaurants in Brooklyn is literally called Purple Yam and owners Chef Amy Besa and Chef Romy Dorotan have been serving up Pinoy flavors since 2007. The House of Inasal on Queens serves ube ice cream sandwiches. Recently though, non-Filipinos have began using the flavor as well. Moll shares that Danny Bowien of Mission Chinese Food and Sam Mason of Oddfellows Ice Cream Co. have created their own ube ice cream sandwich. READ MORE...


READ FULL MEDIA REPORTS HERE:

Executions won't fix the drug problem Published June 24, 2016 10:58pm By Naomi Burke-Shyne


By Naomi Burke-Shyne

MANILA, JULY 7, 2016 (GMA NEWS) For people convicted of drug crimes on Indonesia's death row, the Islamic Holy Month of Ramadan has added significance this year.

After moving 15 prisoners to "Execution Island" last month and announcing that their deaths by firing squad could take place at any time, the country's attorney general conceded he might postpone the killings because "well, executing fasting is not good, is it?"

It's too bad that this moral sense isn't applied year-round.

Although many countries punish people for their drug addiction, only 36 have laws that prescribe the death penalty for drug-related convictions. Seven, including Indonesia, regularly enforce the death penalty as a sentence for drug offences (others include China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam).

Indonesia is currently the center of international attention for a number of reasons — one of which is the fact that executions represent an abrupt about face for the country, which until last year had appeared to be upholding a de facto moratorium on the use of the death penalty.

The upcoming executions were set in motion less than a month after the country's delegation to the UN was booed from the gallery during a speech about the use of the death penalty to combat drug trafficking, and are just one part of a chilling series of executions planned for 2016 and 2017.

Another reason for the international spotlight is the fact that Indonesia is executing foreigners — with blatant disregard for international opinion. Neither the booing at the UN nor direct appeals by other countries has had any impact.

In 2015, following intensive efforts by Brazil and the Netherlands to win clemency for two citizens convicted of drug offenses in Indonesia, the pair were executed by firing squad along with an Indonesian woman and three other foreigners (from Nigeria, Malawi and Vietnam).

READ MORE...

A few months later, eight more people were executed. Brazil, Australia and the Netherlands temporarily recalled their ambassadors in response to the executions, but with little effect.

According to Amnesty International, Jakarta imposed at least 46 new death sentences in 2015 — including 29 for drug-related crimes — up from six in 2014.

The executions are partly tied to President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's desire to play on the widespread belief that drug users are a menace to society — a fear inflated and dramatized in the war on drugs. Indonesia has a significant drug problem, but no reliable statistics on its size.

Widodo declared a state of emergency over the country's drug use shortly after being sworn in. He cited government statistics that nearly 5 million people — or about 2 percent of the population — are "affected" by drug consumption and that between 40 and 50 Indonesians die every day because of drug use.

Although academics from the country's top universities questioned the government numbers — and earlier this year Indonesia's National Narcotics Agency said that it had overestimated drugs deaths by nearly 20 percent —the war on drugs and use of the death penalty appears to have popular approval in Indonesia.

Widodo has vowed to reject all requests for clemency for people convicted of drug-related crimes.

Capital punishment, threats and arrests are the wrong answer for Indonesia's drug problem.

The people being executed in Indonesia are not the primary drivers of the illicit drug trade.

Some of them are "drug mules" who were vulnerable to exploitation; others were unaware they were carrying drugs in the first place.

Indonesian scholars point to data showing that drug use has not been reduced by criminalizing the behavior.

Instead, such policies have fueled hepatitis C and HIV epidemics and driven people away from health services that might otherwise have helped them overcome their addiction.

Executions are inconsistent with Pancasila — Indonesia's official philosophical foundation, which calls for a just and civilized humanity. They are also a violation of Indonesia's commitments under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which says the death penalty should be imposed only for the most serious crimes and that those sentenced to it should have the right to seek a pardon.

Widodo's presidential campaign — based on an anti-corruption platform, projecting a man of the people ready to support farmers, protect minority groups, and resolve past human rights abuses — attracted domestic and international support. The first president not plucked from political dynasties or the military, Widodo's election was seen as a significant step in Indonesia's evolution towards a free and united democratic society.

This was to be the final phase in a national journey that began in 1998, when Indonesians pulled themselves out of half a century of repression, violence and instability.

Yet Widodo's approval ratings dropped within months of taking office. Having risen from the ranks of domestic politics, he is often criticized for lacking foreign policy experience — an area in which his predecessor was strong.

A tough stance on drug use gives him a political platform for big talk on Indonesian sovereignty — and he's determined that national drug policy will not be swayed by foreign opinion.

Widodo's politicization of the drug challenges faced by thousands of Indonesian families is a betrayal of his stance as a man of the people committed to protecting the people.

Drug use is complex, poorly understood and heavily stigmatized — it's an issue that needs to be addressed with reason, science and in consultation with the people involved; not a punishment-oriented approach designed to advance a political and moral agenda.

Indonesia's move toward democracy has often set an example for the region.

It needs a public health response to its drug problem that will allow it to be a model for the rest of the world, and which is based on programs that have been proven to work.

The country has taken steps in this direction, including introducing opioid substitution therapy and increasing access to clean needles, syringes and HIV treatment.

Widodo should expand access to these initiatives and abandon his use of the death penalty for drug-related crimes.

The government's decision not to kill during Ramadan gives us hope that rationality and compassion can change Indonesia's policy on drugs.

The death penalty is a punishment of the past that has little place in a country looking towards the future. — Reuters

(Naomi Burke-Shyne is a senior program officer with the Public Health Program at the Open Society Foundations. The opinions expressed are her own.)


Cracks show inside Islamic State's shrinking caliphate Published June 29, 2016 1:42am By MAHER CHMAYTELLI and ISABEL COLES, Reuters

ERBIL, Iraq - It was barely more than a squiggle, but the mark of a single letter sprayed overnight on a wall in the heart of Islamic State's self-proclaimed caliphate was a daring act of dissent.

The next day, ultra-hardline Islamic State fighters came and scrubbed out the "M" -- the first letter of the word for "resistance" in Arabic -- which appeared in an alley near the Grand Mosque in the Iraqi city of Mosul about three weeks ago.

A video of the single letter, scrawled about a meter long on the wall, was shared with Reuters by an activist from a group called "Resistance", whose members risk certain execution to conduct small acts of defiance in areas under Islamic State rule.

Nearly two years since Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi delivered a sermon from that same mosque summoning Muslims worldwide to the "caliphate", it is fraying at the edges.

As an array of forces make inroads into their territory spanning Iraq and Syria, the jihadis are becoming even harsher to maintain control of a population that is increasingly hostile to them, according to Iraqi officials and people who managed to escape.

"They are harsh, but they are not strong," said Major General Najm al-Jubbouri, who is in command of the operation to recapture Mosul and the surrounding areas. "Their hosts reject them."

Many local Sunnis initially welcomed the Sunni Muslim militants as saviors from a Shi'ite-led government they perceived as oppressive, while thousands of foreigners answered Baghdadi's call to come and wage holy war.

For a time, the militants claimed one victory after another, thanks as much to the weakness and division of the forces arrayed against them as their own strength. They funded themselves through sales of oil from fields they overran, and plundered weapons and ammunition from those they vanquished.

But two years since the declaration of the caliphate, the tide has begun to turn in favor of its many enemies: Iraqi and Syrian government troops, Kurdish forces in both countries, rival Syrian Sunni rebels, Iranian-backed Shi'ite militias, and a US-led coalition which has bombed the militants while conducting special operations to take out their commanders.

Of the 43 founders of Islamic State, also known as ISIS, ISIL or Daesh, 39 have been killed, said Hisham al-Hashimi, a Baghdad-based expert who advises the Iraqi government.

READ MORE...

The self-proclaimed caliph, Baghdadi, is moving in a semi-desert plain that covers several thousand square kilometers west of the Tigris river and south of Mosul, avoiding Syria after two of his close aides were killed there this year: "war minister" Abu Omar al-Shishani and top civilian administrator and second-in-command Abd al-Rahman al-Qaduli, Hashimi said.

The most senior commanders after Baghdadi are now Abu Mohammed al-Adnani, the group's spokesman who took over military supervision after Shishani's death, and Abu Muhammad al-Shimali, who oversees foreign fighters and succeeded Qaduli as civilian administrator, he said.

Kurdish and Iraqi military commanders say the group is deploying fighters who are less experienced and less ideologically committed to defend what remains of its quasi-state, which is under attack on multiple fronts.

Iraqi forces recently entered the Islamic State bastion of Falluja just west of Baghdad, and are pushing north towards Mosul, by far the biggest city Islamic State controls with a pre-war population of 2 million.

In neighboring Syria, US-backed forces are closing in on the militant stronghold of Manbij, and President Bashar al-Assad's Russian-backed army has advanced into the province surrounding the de facto Islamic State capital Raqqa.

On a front south of Mosul, a group of women displaced by the offensive said Islamic State fighters' grip had begun to loosen as Iraqi forces advanced, to the point that they no longer punished people for not wearing the full face veil.

The number of foreign fighters has fallen significantly, and renewed efforts by the group to recruit locals have proven largely unsuccessful, except amongst the young and destitute, according to people who recently fled, including three repentant Islamic State members.

"When you are a young man and you don't own 250 dinars and someone comes and offers you 20,000, 15,000 or 30,000, you will do anything," said a former Islamic State militant from Iraq's northern Hawija district who recently gave himself up to Kurdish forces.

Members of Islamic State's vice squad, the Hisba, are increasingly being sent to the frontlines as designated fighters are killed off, according to people who escaped as well as Iraqi and Kurdish military and intelligence officials.

That means there are fewer militants to enforce the group's draconian rules and dress code. But a 28 year-old teacher who recently fled Mosul said people were so afraid of the militants they did not disobey them even when they were not around.

"If they say black is white, you agree," said the teacher, who asked not to be identified because he still has family inside the city and feared they could be targeted.

School courses were redesigned by the militants to reflect their war-like ideology. He gave an example of a math problem given to his pupils: "The Mudjahid is carrying seven magazines for his rifle, each with 30 bullets; how many rounds can he fire at the unbelievers?"

He said Arabic lessons were also redesigned, with pupils asked to fill in blanks in slogan-like sentences such as "The Islamic State is xxxx and xxxx". The answer is "staying and expanding".

Asset and liability

The Sunni population in which the militants have embedded themselves is becoming more of a liability to them but also remains one of their greatest assets.

As living conditions deteriorate and the militants crack down, the local population is increasingly hostile to the group, which has repeatedly used civilians as human shields to slow the advance of Iraqi forces in frontline cities like Falluja.

Those caught trying to escape Islamic State territory are liable to be executed on the spot -- even women and children.

Despite outnumbering the militants, the population remains weaker than them. Residents were disarmed and the security forces purged in the early days after the fighters captured Mosul. But residents are increasingly cooperating with the security forces outside the city by informing on the militants.

Nineveh provincial council member Abdul Rahman al-Wakaa said the group had begun moving local leaders around so people could not identify them as easily and pass their location on to coalition and Iraqi forces.

The jihadis have also cracked down on communications with the outside world, executing people for using mobile phones and confiscating satellite dishes to prevent people from seeing the progress made by Iraqi forces.

Iraqi military leaders are hoping there will be an uprising against the insurgents as the army draws nearer to Mosul. A top Iraqi general told Reuters troops were in contact with people inside Mosul to synchronize such action with an external military assault.

The plan is to engage the militants on several fronts around Mosul simultaneously, to draw them out of the city, giving the local population a chance to revolt.

Acute hardship and hunger since Baghdad cut salaries to state workers living in areas under Islamic State control around a year ago has forced more locals to work for the group.

Islamic State, for its part, plays on the population's fears of retribution from Iraqi forces and pro-government Shi'ite militias. Despite a string of defeats, military officials say there have been few defections from the group.

Three young men who joined Islamic State and recently surrendered to Kurdish forces in northern Iraq said the militants hunted down those who tried to abandon them.

Ahmed Ibrahim Abdullah said he had been arrested and tortured by the militants when he left. He sold a cow to pay for his bail so he could escape.

Twenty-six year old Ahmed Khalaf said he had surrendered to the Kurds in the hope he would be treated with more leniency than if captured by government forces, but that others were too afraid to the same: "There are people who have a certain idea that their fate is tied to the fate of Daesh." — Reuters


By MAHER CHMAYTELLI (Bloomberg) and ISABEL COLES (Reuters)


THE GLORY OF DEMOCRACY Kasaysayan, tradisyon at kahalagahan ng inagurasyon Published June 29, 2016 2:28pm By XIAO CHUA

President Duterte wishes to have a simple Inaugural, a break from tradition. But what are the traditions that he will break?

Sa Huwebes ay pasisinayaan na ang bagong pangulo at pangalawang pangulo ng Pilipinas. E ano naman ito sa atin?

Nangangahulugan ito ng mapayapang pagpapatuloy ng ating pamahalaan na hindi katulad halimbawa ng nangyari noong digmaan, o noong People Power Revolution o noong EDSA Dos na masalimuot ang pagkakaroon ng bagong pamunuan. Ang pagpapasinaya ay nangangahulugan ng tagumpay ng demokratikong proseso sa bansa at affirmation ng mandato na ibinigay sa pangulo ng sambayanang Pilipino.

Ayon sa Article VII, Section IV ng Saligang Batas ng 1987, magsisimula ang termino ng pangulo at pangalawang pangulo na kada-anim na taon ng June 30 matapos ang halalan. Pero bago ang Martial Law, December 30 ito ginagawa, Araw ni José Rizal. Tigib ng kahulugan at kasaysayan ang mga seremonya at protocol ng inagurasyon.

Ngunit ang pangulong-halal, Pangulong Rodrigo Roa Duterte, ay nagnanais ng isang mas simpleng inagurasyon sa Rizal Ceremonial Hall ng Palasyo ng Malacañang.

Ito rin ang unang pagkakataon na hiniling ng isang pangulo na maging hiwalay ang kanilang inagurasyon ng pangalawang pangulong-halal, Leni Gerona Robredo.

Interesanteng makita kung ano ang mga tradisyon na isasagawa at mawawala batay sa naging mga inaugurasyon sa ating kasaysayan.

READ MORE...

Aguinaldo at the Barasoain
Church President Emilio Aguinaldo delivered his inaugural address on January 23, 1899 at Barasoain Church, Malolos Bulacan. (Photo from malacanang.gov.ph)

Ang ina ng mga inagurasyon: Ang inagurasyon ni Pangulong Manuel Quezon noong 1935
Quezon in front of Congress in Manila President Manuel Quezon delivered his first inaugural address on November 15, 1935 at the Legislative Building in Manila. He delivered a second inaugural address when he was reelected in 1941. (Photo from malacanang.gov.ph)

Balikan natin ang ina ng mga inagurasyon na ito sa bansa—ang pagpapasinaya ng Pangulong Manuel Luis Quezon bilang Unang Pangulo ng Komonwelt. Bagama’t nagkaroon ng pagpapasinaya ang Unang Republika at ang unang presidente nito na si Emilio Aguinaldo noong 1899 sa Malolos, Bulacan, marami sa ating mga tradisyon sa inagurasyon ay nagmula sa mga inaugurasyon ng pangulo ng Estados Unidos, na siyang naging modelo ng inagurasyon ni Pangulong Quezon.

Naganap ang seremonya sa Legislative Building, ngayon ay National Museum, noong November 15, 1935, tulad nang kung paano ito isinasagawa ng regular sa Kapitolyo ng Estados Unidos. Ang mga detalye ay makikita sa opisyal na Blue Book ng selebrasyon, ang dokumentasyon ng inagurasyon. Ang mga sumunod na inagurasyon ay nagkaroon din ng mga aklat para lamang sa espesyal na araw na iyon—sapagkat makasaysayang araw naman talaga.

Tumungo ang Secretary of War Hon. George H. Dern at ang Gobernador Heneral Frank Murphy mula Malacañang patungo sa seremonya kasama ang isang cavalry escort. Gayundin ang pangulong-halal at ang kanyang pamilya na magmumula naman sa Pasay, may cavalry escort rin.

Sa ganap na 7:10 a.m. binuksan ang likurang mga pintuan ng gusali para sa mga magsisipagdalo na dapat nakaupo na sa ganap na 7:40 a.m.

7:45 a.m. nagsimula ang processional march ng mga matataas na opisyal ng pamahalaang Amerikano at Pilipino. Pinakahuling pumasok ang Pangalawang Pangulong-halal ng Pilipinas Sergio Osmeña.

8:10 a.m., isang bugle call ang naghayag ng pagpasok ni Gobernador Heneral Murphy at ng Pangulong-halal Quezon, at sa tunog ng apat na ruffles (drum rolls) at apat na flourishes (trumpet blasts) at ng “Hail to the Chief” tumungo si Quezon sa kanyang upuan.

Nang ilagay ang bandilang Amerikano, pinatugtog ang Pambansang Awit ng Amerika. Sakop pa kasi tayo noon.

Sa ganap na 8:15 a.m., nanalangin si Gabriel M. Reyes D.D., Arsobispo ng Cebu, nagsalita ang Hon. Dern, at matapos na basahin ng Gobernador Heneral Murphy ang proklamasyon ng resulta ng halalan, tumayo ang lahat sa sagradong oras ng panunumpa ng pangulo, na pinangunahan ni Ramon Avanceña, Punong Mahistrado ng Korte Suprema ng Pilipinas:

“I, Manuel Luis Quezon, hereby solemnly swear that I will faithfully and conscientiously fulfill my duties as President of the Philippines, and I hereby declare that I recognize and accept the Supreme Authority of the United States of the Philippines and we maintain true faith and allegiance thereto, So help me God.”

Matapos nito, nagkaroon ng gun salute, ruffles and flourishes at pinatugtog ang Pambansang Awit ng Pilipinas, “Land of the Morning.” Matapos nito, nanumpa naman si Pangalawang Pangulo Osmeña.

Matapos basahin ni Hon. Dern ang pahayag sa ngalan ng Pangulo ng Amerika na ang pamahalaang Pilipino ay mayroon ng kapangyarihan batay sa Saligang Batas ng Pilipinas, nagsalita ang Pangulong Quezon ng kanyang talumpating pampasinaya sa oras na 8:45 a.m.

Nagkaroon ng inaugural parade at matapos nito, sa ganap na 9:30 a.m., tumungo si Quezon sa Malacañang para sa ritual climbing of the stairs. Ginawa niya ito na inaalala ang alamat ng pagsusumamo sa mga hagdang ito ng ina ni Rizal upang magmakaawa para sa buhay ng kanyang anak sa dayuhang mga Espanyol. Ang kanyang pag-akyat bilang unang pinunong Pilipino na mamumuno mula sa Palasyo ay isang pag-angkin dito at paalala na walang Pilipino na kailangang magmakaawa para sa kanyang buhay.

Step-by-step: Gabay sa mga tradisyon ng inagurasyon

Mula noon, bawat pangulo ng Pilipinas ay nagbigay ng kakaibang ambag sa kasaysayan nito.

Nagsisimula ang bawat inagurasyon ng bagong pangulo sa tradisyunal na pag-alis ng pangulong-halal sa kanyang sariling tahanan upang sunduin ang aalis na pangulo sa Palasyo ng Malacañan na sinimulan noong panahon ng inagurasyon ni Manuel Roxas nang sunduin niya si Sergio Osmeña noong 1946.


Magsaysay at the Independence Grandstand President Ramon Magsaysay was sworn into office at the Independence Grandstand by Chief Justice Ricardo Paras on December 30, 1953. (Photo from tumblr.malacanang.gov.ph)

Sa loob ng Palasyo, madalas nag-uusap pa ang dalawang pangulo. Mayroong panahon na biniro ni Elpidio Quirino ang nakatalo sa kanya na si Ramon Magsaysay na subukan nang maupo sa opisina ng Pangulo noong 1953. Ngunit nang ibalik ang tradisyon noong 2010, hindi na umakyat si Noynoy Aquino sa mismong tanggapan ng Pangulo. Siya ay sinalubong ni Pangulo sa hagdanan.

Matapos nito, kadalasang bababa sa hagdan ang dalawa at sasakay na magkasama sa kotse patungo sa lugar ng inagurasyon.

Noong una, sa Legislative Building ginagawa ang inagurasyon subalit naging paborito ang Independence Grandstand at ang replica nito, ang Quirino Grandstand sa Luneta simula ng inagurasyon ni Roxas bilang unang Pangulo ng Ikatlong Republika noong July 4, 1946.

May mga pagkakataon na kahit ibang lugar ang pinipili para manumpa, binibigkas pa rin ang inaugural speech sa Luneta, tulad noong kay Joseph Estrada noong 1998 na nanumpa sa Barasoain Church sa Malolos tulad ng ginawa ni Emilio Aguinaldo noong Unang Republika at sa ikalawang inagurasyon ni Gloria Macapagal Arroyo noong 2004 na naumpa pagkatapos ng kanyang talumpati sa Luneta sa Kapitolyo naman ng Cebu.


Arroyo at second inauguration President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo delivered an inaugural address twice. The first was when she assumed the presidency in 2001 after the ouster of President Joseph Estrada. She ran for office and won in 2004. (Photo from AP File Photo)

Ang darating na inagurasyon ni Rodrigo Roa Duterte ang ikalawang pagkakataon na ang pormal na inagurasyon ay gaganapin sa Palasyo mismo.

Ang una ay noong ika-apat na inagurasyon ni Ferdinand Marcos sa mismong araw ng EDSA noong February 25, 1986.

Bago ito, sa biglang pagkamatay ng dalawang pangulo, sa Malacañang din isinagawa ang panunumpa ng pangulo (sa panunumpa ni Elpidio Quirino noong 1948 pagkamatay ni Manuel Roxas, at sa panunumpa ni Carlos Garcia noong 1957 sa pagkamatay ni Ramon Magsaysay).

Bagama’t hindi ito maituturing na pormal na inagurasyon dahil hindi pagdiriwang kundi trahedya ang pagkamatay ng isang pangulo.

Sa mga kakaibang mga pagkakataon tulad ng digmaan at pulitikal na kaguluhan, ang panunumpa ng Pangulo ang nangyari sa Malinta Tunnel, Corregidor Island (ikalawang inagurasyon ni Manuel Quezon noong 1941), sa Washington, D.C. sa Estados Unidos (ikatlong inagurasyon ni Manuel Quezon noong 1943 at panunumpa sa katungkulan ni Sergio Osmena noong 1944), sa Club Filipino sa Greenhills, San Juan (inagurasyon ni Cory Aquino noong 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution) at sa EDSA Shrine, Lungsod ng Quezon (sa unang inagurasyon ni Gloria Arroyo noong 2001 sa EDSA Dos.


Noynoy Aquino at Quirino Grandstand President Benigno Simeon Aquino III took his oath of office at the Quirino Grandstand on June 30, 2010. (Photo from malacanang.gov.ph)

Pagdating sa lugar ng Pangulo at Pangulong-halal, sa huling pagkakataon, binibigyan ng huling parangal ang Pangulo ng Pilipinas bilang commander-in-chief ng Sandatahang Lakas.

Kadalasan matapos ang parangal na ito ay lilisan na ang papaalis na Pangulo bagama’t noong 1992, sinaksihan ni Cory Aquino ang pagsasalin ng kapangyarihan kay Fidel Ramos bago sumakay sa sariling kotse, ang mapayapang pagsasalin ng kapangyarihan ay huling naganap halos 27 taon na ang nakalilipas noong 1965 kina Diosdado Macapagal tungo kay Ferdinand Marcos. Si Osmeña at si Ramos ay naroon din sa panunumpa ng kanilang mga kahalili.

Isang tradisyon na ibinalik noong 2010 ay ang pagbabasa ng Pangulo ng Senado ng proklamasyon ng pagwawagi sa halalan ng Pangulo at Pangalawang Pangulo.

Mauunang manunumpa ang Pangalawang Pangulo at sa ganap na alas dose ng tanghali, manunumpa ang Pangulo ng Pilipinas.

Sa maraming inagurasyon na ginanap sa Quirino Grandstand, sumusumpa sila sa tatlong entidad—sa bandila ng bansa na nakataas sa Independence Flagpole, sa ating mga bayani na kinakatawan ni Rizal na nasa kanyang bantayog, at ang taumbayan na nasa kanyang harapan na pinagsasaluhan ang sagradong sandaling iyon. Nakatayo ang lahat.

Si Magsaysay ang unang nagpatong ng kamay sa Biblia sa panunumpa. Bago ito, nais ipakita ng mga Pangulo ang paghihiwalay ng simbahan at ng estado.

Kadalasan ang Punong Mahistrado ng Korte Suprema ang manunumpa.


Newly elected President Rodrigo Rodrigo Duterte takes his oath of office as the 16th President of the Philippines GETTY IMAGES

Pinili ni Duterte na manumpa sa harapan ng isang Associate Justice tulad ng ginawa ng mag-inang Cory Aquino noong 1986 at Noynoy Aquino noong 2010.

Matapos nito, magkakaroon ng 21-gun salute, apat na ruffles at flourishes, at ang pagpapatugtog ng Mabuhay March.

Matapos nito ay bibigkasin na ng Pangulo ang kanyang talumpating pampasinaya—ang inaugural address. Sa kanyang pagbabalik sa Malacañan, aakyat siya sa hagdan sa kanyang simbolikong pag-angkin sa Palasyo.

Matapos ito, magkakaroon ng unang pagpupulong ng Gabinete at madalas sa gabi may mga selebrasyon tulad ng inaugural ball o mga konsiyerto, isang tradisyon na hinango din natin mula sa mga Amerikano.

Ayon sa Pangulong Cory Aquino sa kanyang huling State of the Nation Address noong 1991, “The traditional ceremony of political succession will unfold at the Luneta. …This is the glory of democracy, that its most solemn moment should be the peaceful transfer of power.” Kaya ito ay dapat ipagdiwang ng sambayanang Pilipino.

Malaking pasasalamat kay Undersecretary Manuel Quezon, III sa kanyang mga pag-aaral ukol sa kasaysayan ng inagurasyon at ng panguluhan at pagbati sa isang job well done sa Official Gazette.


Si Prop. Michael Charleston “Xiao” Briones Chua ay kasalukuyang assistant professorial lecturer ng Pamantasang De La Salle Maynila. Isa siyang historyador at naging consultant ng GMA News TV series na Katipunan at Ilustrado. Ang sanaysay na ito ay batay sa kanyang news segment sa “Xiao Time: Ako ay Pilipino” sa istasyong pantelebisyon ng pamahalaan.


The new bae of baked goods: Are Americans ready for ube? Published June 30, 2016 6:06pm

FIlipino food is, pun intended, taking root overseas. Ube (purple yam) is slowly gaining ground and finding its way into more and more menus across the US.

Matthew Moll tracks the "ube invasion" for GQ, pointing to Brooklyn-based restaurant Manila Social Club's donuts as the reason for the increase in the number of purple-hued desserts across the city.

"There aren’t tons of purple foods and this color is so intense and deep. It is something people really like. It’s striking. When you cut ube open you see a color you can kinda get lost in. It’s natural marketing," Moll quotes Björn Dela Cruz , chef at the Manila Social Club.

New York, of course, is no stranger to ube. One of the more famous modern Filipino restaurants in Brooklyn is literally called Purple Yam and owners Chef Amy Besa and Chef Romy Dorotan have been serving up Pinoy flavors since 2007. The House of Inasal on Queens serves ube ice cream sandwiches.

Recently though, non-Filipinos have began using the flavor as well. Moll shares that Danny Bowien of Mission Chinese Food and Sam Mason of Oddfellows Ice Cream Co. have created their own ube ice cream sandwich.

READ MORE...

Most Filipinos don't need convincing that more ube is a great idea—we've been enjoying its deliciousness for years. Americans, though?

Mason says that a little sample is all it takes for people to be won over.

The pretty color also helps to draw them into having a taste of ube.

Dela Cruz notes that now that Filipino food is hitting the mainstream, "ube is being identified as ube."

We'd like to correct the article on the pronunciation, though: It's oo-beh, not oo-bae. — Aya Tantiangco/BM, GMA News


Chief News Editor: Sol Jose Vanzi

© Copyright, 2015 by PHILIPPINE HEADLINE NEWS ONLINE
All rights reserved


PHILIPPINE HEADLINE NEWS ONLINE [PHNO] WEBSITE