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BONGBONG: EDSA REVOLT DERAILED GOVT DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS


Many development projects remain unfinished 30 years after the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos was ousted during the 1986 EDSA people power revolt.
This is according to his son and namesake, Sen. Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., who said there is nothing to celebrate in the EDSA revolution in 1986. “I was on the other side of the fence, so it’s hard to say if we need to celebrate, but what I say is many projects remain unfinished since 1986,” he said. Marcos said among the unfinished projects that his father had started is the Metro Rail Transit, which is now supposed to be in its eighth stage. He said only a few lines of the commuter train system were constructed. “They will buy a new train for instance, but this will be another problem in the contract,” he said. Marcos said another example of unfinished projects is power infrastructure, which he said remains neglected until today. READ MORE...RELATED, Anti-Marcos movements highlight a lack of national vision for the Philippines...

ALSO: ‘NEVER AGAIN’ - MARCOS VICTIM RECOUNTS TORTURE


LAST HURRAH Dictator FerdinandMarcos, flanked by wife Imelda and children Imee, Irene and Bongbong, addresses his supporters from a balcony in Malacañang on Feb. 25, 1986, after taking his oath of office. MR & MS PHOTO Roberto Verzola used to watch how his uncle and older cousins would slaughter a pig when he was a child. “As soon as it realized something bad was going to happen, it would shriek for dear life,” said Verzola, a student activist and writer for the student paper of the University of the Philippines Diliman in the early 1970s. He found himself squealing like a pig on the night he was arrested by officers of the Philippine Constabulary’s Metropolitan Command (Metrocom) in 1974. “It was a shriek of helplessness, desperation and terror,” Verzola said as he began to narrate his ordeal at the hands of his torturers at the soft-launch on Tuesday of the book “Marcos Martial Law: Never Again,” written by investigative journalist and award-winning political blogger Raissa Robles. “Never again,” reverberated within the amphitheater of the Ateneo Professional Schools Building in Makati City, as emotions ran high among angry martial law victims and their relatives in the audience. READ MORE...RELATED, Martial law speak: Words that defined the anti-Marcos movement...

ALSO: From Cory to Noynoy - Attacks on labor grew fiercer after Edsa


FROM Googled images While Edsa People Power promised change for all Filipinos, it actually signaled intensified attacks on workers, many of which continue to this day. The regimes that came to power after 1986 implemented neoliberal “free market” policies that assaulted workers’ rights in order to increase the profits of big foreign and local capitalists. The minimum wage was eliminated through regionalization and other schemes, contractual employment was promoted, and the formation of unions and the launching of strikes were met with repression. Workers are worse-off now than they were 30 years ago. In 1989, the Wage Rationalization Law and the Salary Standardization Law were both enacted. These destroyed whatever minimum wage private-sector workers and government employees were enjoying at the time. Now, the country does not have a minimum wage to speak of, because the latter has been thoroughly fragmented. In 1989, the Herrera Law was enacted as an omnibus amendment to the Labor Code of 1974. It maintained the provision banning labor-only contracting in paper but giving the Labor Secretary the power to define job contracting via department orders. Now, contractualization, a marginal employment practice before 1986, is the norm in the country. READ MORE...RELATED, EDSA on the 30th, the continuing struggle against oppression...

ALSO: By Ellen Tordesillas - MORE EDSA PEOPLE POWER THOUGHTS


By Ellen Tordesillas 
THE EDSA 30 celebration has revived memories of that important event in our history as a freedom-loving people. From the recollections, one can glean a deep sense of disappointment, of our failure not to have used our regained freedom into genuine democracy- wherein people would have the opportunities to pursue their dreams of a better life. Mark Lopez shared his insights of EDSA One in Facebook: “I was 17 when EDSA 1 happened and my family and I were there, together with the millions who want change. It was surreal and it was indeed a triumphant moment when news of Marcos family fleeing was confirmed. In the immediate aftermath, all I could think of was that our country will now be on the cusp of true progress and development. Of course the foremost celebration was for the reinstatement of democracy and freedom to be a Filipino. “Thirty years after, I now cringe at what went by after EDSA1. I really don’t know what it is in our psyche that we continue to celebrate democracy but we also embraced mediocrity, especially in governance.”  “We may be free, but we are still slaves to indifference, to corruption, and to greed. Do we really deserve this?” READ MORE...RELATED, Special features - Everything you need to know about 'EDSA at 30'

ALSO:  2015 REPORT - In just 6 years, Noynoy Aquino’s record of failure is now worse than all of the Marcos years


Dead for almost 30 years but still being blamed for PNoy's failures
Filipinos who can’t stop talking about the “horrors” of the Martial Law years under the late former President Ferdinand Marcos are starting to come across as hopeless and desperate for attention. While the atrocities against the victims should be condemned, their cases were already brought to court and won compensation. It is now time to move on to atrocities happening at present times. Advocates of human rights abuses should understand that the new generation of Filipinos today are not interested in the past because they are fighting a different kind of tyranny that is even more difficult to defeat compared to what Filipinos were facing during the Marcos regime. Filipinos today are being lulled into thinking that the country is safe in the hands of President Benigno Simeon Aquino and his allies – members of the oligarchy. In fact, as early as 1986, after the late former President Cory Aquino took over from Marcos, Philippine mainstream media and other showbiz personalities allied with her government created the illusion that the country is better off under the Aquinos. The Filipino people have been lied to for over 30 years. Because the media tend to gloss over the incompetence and failures of succeeding administrations starting with and especially Cory Aquino after Marcos left, Filipinos have become their worst enemies. They have become apathetic and indifferent to the issues plaguing the nation because they have been made to believe that the kind of thievery and abuse now is nothing compared to the Marcos years.That notion is false. READ MORE...RELATED,
Palace blasts Marcos on ‘never again to martial law’ stance...


READ FULL MEDIA REPORTS HERE:

Bongbong: EDSA revolt derailed development projects


Vice presidential candidate Sen. Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. is greeted by supporters during his campaign sortie in Muntinlupa city southeast of Manila, Philippines Monday, Feb. 22, 2016. AP Photo/Bullit Marquez

TUGUEGARAO CITY, FEBRUARY 29, 2016 (PHILSTAR) By Perseus Echeminada February 25, 2016 - Many development projects remain unfinished 30 years after the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos was ousted during the 1986 EDSA people power revolt.

This is according to his son and namesake, Sen. Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., who said there is nothing to celebrate in the EDSA revolution in 1986.

“I was on the other side of the fence, so it’s hard to say if we need to celebrate, but what I say is many projects remain unfinished since 1986,” he said.

MANILA RAIL TRANSIT


FROM Presidents of the Philippines www.slideshare.net

Marcos said among the unfinished projects that his father had started is the Metro Rail Transit, which is now supposed to be in its eighth stage. He said only a few lines of the commuter train system were constructed.

“They will buy a new train for instance, but this will be another problem in the contract,” he said.

Marcos said another example of unfinished projects is power infrastructure, which he said remains neglected until today.

READ MORE...

“Was there any effort to install submarine cables in each of our islands since 1986? There was none. This could be a great help for each region to have their own source of power,” he said.

Marcos lamented the country remains to have the highest power rates in Asia with no permanent solution in sight.

He added the Philippines is behind as far as Internet connectivity is concerned.

Marcos, a vice presidential candidate, lamented the education sector remains neglected.

EDUCATION

During the administration of his late father, he said the Philippines had the highest literary rate in Asia but today, the education sector and the plight of teachers have not been given attention.

Marcos said his father launched the feeding program for school children, which should have continued.

“The feeding program should have been continued to help poor parents who cannot afford decent food for their children,” he said.

Marcos said the administration that succeeded his father abolished the Energy Stabilization Fund that could have cushioned the impact of rising prices of world crude.

ENERGY

He stressed the need to revisit the unfinished development projects that should have been completed years ago.

The senator also cited the construction of phase 2 of the Magat Dam that was approved but not implemented.

Marcos vowed to pursue the unfinished programs so that the country can move on and compete with its counterparts in the Asian region.

“It has been 30 years and many places in the country are still waiting… I hope to revisit those projects,” he said.

WATCH VIDEO:

Ferdinand E. Marcos, created the Light Rail Transit Authority (LRTA) ralph que ralph que Subscribe826 Add to Share More 47,630 275 2 ShareEmbedEmail

 

https://youtu.be/ZLK32QW7-4k  Start at: 1:17 Published on Apr 3, 2014

On July 12, 1980, the country's president, Ferdinand E. Marcos, created the Light Rail Transit Authority (LRTA) as a government agency. The Chairman was the then First Lady and Governor of Metro Manila, Imelda Romualdez Marcos.

This LRTA confined its activities to determining policies, to the regulation and fixing of fares, and to the planning of extensions to the system.

The project was called Metrorail and was operated by a sister company of the former tramway company Meralco, called Metro, Inc.

Initial assistance for building the LRT project came from the Belgian government which granted a P300 million "SOFT" "AND INTERST-FREE LOAN" with a repayment time of 30 years.

The project was expected to pay for itself within a period of 20 years out of revenue alone. A Belgian consortium consisting of ACEC (Ateliers de Constructions Electriques de Charleroi, BN), (Constructions Ferroviaires et Metalliques, formerly Brugeoise et Nivelles), TEI (Tractionnel Engineering International) and TC (Transurb Consult) provided an additional loan of P700 million.

The consortium provided the cars, signalling, power control, telecommunications, training and technical assistance. The entire system was expected to be financially "in the red" well into 1993. Against an expected gross revenue of P365 million for the first operating year, government losses were thought likely to reach P216 million. The system was designed as a public utility rather than as a profit center.

Construction of the line started in October 1981, and was the responsibility of CDCP (Construction and Development Corporation of the Philippines), with assistance from the Swiss firm of Losinger and the American company Dravo, the latter, through its Philippine subsidiary.

The government appointed Electrowatt Engineering Services of Zurich (Switzerland) to manage and supervise the project. Electrowatt set up offices in Manila and became responsible for extension studies of the system which eventually comprised 150 km of routes along all major corridors in about 20 years time.

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RELATED FROM GET REAL PHILIPPINES ONLINE

Anti-Marcos movements highlight a lack of national vision for the Philippines
February 6, 2016by benign0


Even after two Aquino presidencies, Marcos’s alleged ‘crimes’ remain unresolved. A “Never Again” movement on social media is even actively advocating taking a stand against Marcos and his heirs. The movement aims to remind Filipinos about the atrocities during the Martial Law years in an effort to prevent a repeat of the same experience. Although for a group standing against tyranny and dictatorship, their discussion on the social networking site Facebook is not open to public scrutiny. Likewise, people with opposing views are not welcome. So much for the freedom of expression they supposedly hold so dear.

We hear a lot about clamours to block the candidacy of vice presidential candidate Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos Jr coming from the alleged ‘victims’ of the rule of his father, the late former President Ferdinand E Marcos.

The most recent is one reportedly organised by “a coalition of martial law victims” calling their movement the ‘Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacañang’ or ‘Carmma’.

According to its ‘lead convenor’ Bonifacio Ilagan; its members are fighting a “grand scheme to recapture Malacañang,” presumably being perpetrated by Bongbong Marcos.

Well now, but of course there is such a grand scheme that is being mounted, Mr Ilagan. It’s called the election campaign of Mr Marcos.

To win a national election, it really does help to have such a “grand scheme”.

Otherwise, you are less likely to win against your rival candidates who also presumably have grand schemes of their own to win the same election. One needs to be organised to win a national election.

And, usually, campaigns are organised around a grand scheme of some sort on account of the office at stake being, itself, a grand achievement to attain.

Thing is, however these anti-Marcos “activists” who we can generally lump into a community of politically-passionate people who subscribe to the notion that Never Again should a Marcos be ever allowed to sit in Malacanang, are selling Philippine democracy short.

The fact that they fear that another Marcos winning a top national office in an election will necessarily precede the Philippines’ descent into another dark age of authoritarianism shows how little faith they have in the country’s democratic institutions.


POSTED OCTOBER 21, 2015:
Illustration by artist Edd Aragon who died two weeks ago (2015). According to a friend who shared it on the Never Again page, it was the last illustration Aragon posted on his Facebook wall before he passed away. Bongbong Marcos’ bid to become vice president turned the spotlight on the slogan many Filipinos embraced after the fall of his late father’s dictatorship: “Never Again.”  INQUIRER FILE

Is Bongbong Marcos really that dangerous or that vile a man that he will plunge the Philippine back into a dictatorship when he ascends power? Or is Philippine democracy so rickety an edifice that it will simply crumble under the imagined weight of the Marcos family’s supposedly ‘evil’ agenda?

The screaming fits being thrown by these “Never Again” activists are more about what the Philippines cannot be again. In that regard, the Philippines as a society suffers from a fatal failure of imagination. Filipinos cannot seem to imagine a country that is something and can only throw hissy trantrums over what it should not be.

The even funnier thing about these “Never Again” movements is the logic they apply to their advocacy to block Bongbong Marocs (or, for that matter, any other Marcos) from holding executive office.

Their advocacy is based on the idea that Bongbong Marcos, simply by virtue of being a Marcos, is responsible for the alleged atrocities perpetrated during the Martial Law years; never mind that Marcos Jr was just a teenager at the time.

What is interesting here is that the alleged architect of martial law himself, Juan Ponce Enrile (who was a middle-aged adult during the Martial Law years), is currently a sitting Senator of the republic.

Indeed, Enrile even served as Senate President for five years from 2008 to 2013.

Where was the outrage during the time Enrile was, himself, carving out a lofty niche for himself in Philippine politics after the collapse of the Marcos regime in 1986?

The “Never Again” mob seems to prefer to set its sights on a man who was just a kid during the Martial Law years while, at the same time, granting a peachy Get-Out-of-Jail pass to a man who was one of the powers-that-be directly effecting the alleged “atrocities” of Marcos’s Martial Law machine.

Yet, groups like Carmma insist that their movement has “no political backing” and that they are “not partisan for any particular vice presidential [candidate] as a group.” The timing of the launch of their “coalition” makes that claim quite suspect.

Those who continue to stomp their feet and gnash their teeth over the continued presence of the Marcos family in Philippine politics should just get over it. The opportunity to exact “justice” for their victimhood had lapsed a long time ago. If there really was a crime, why is no one in jail? Whose fault is it that there is no one true big fish held to account for the alleged crimes of the Marcos years?

The trouble with Filipinos is that those questions are not asked as a matter of institutionalised routine. They are, for the most part, asked only when politically-motivated and are not inspired by a truly ingrained ethic of seeking and effecting justice as a matter of normal day-to-day business. This is why nothing changes in the Philippines — because so-called ‘reformists’ themselves are often driven by a less-than-noble agenda at worst or, even at best, a mere small-minded goal of a nature consistent with the Philippines’ renowned heritage of smallness. No big strategic visions — only smallish goals meant to gratify smallish interests.

In the case of Carmma, what is the long-term end game beyond blocking a Marcos vice presidency? What happens next if that small goal is realised?

Unfortunately, that big void where vision should have been in the national discourse surrounding this election is, as usual, still there and still unfilled. Filipino politicians keep paying lip service to the notion of “nation building”. In reality, however, there is not much of a nation to build — because Philippine society has not much of a vision for would-be builders to work with.


INQUIRER

‘NEVER AGAIN’ - MARCOS VICTIM RECOUNTS TORTURE By: Niña Calleja @inquirerdotnet
Philippine Daily Inquirer 12:11 AM February 25th, 2016


LAST HURRAH Dictator FerdinandMarcos, flanked by wife Imelda and children Imee, Irene and Bongbong,
addresses his supporters from a balcony in Malacañang on Feb. 25, 1986, after taking his oath of office. MR & MS PHOTO

Roberto Verzola used to watch how his uncle and older cousins would slaughter a pig when he was a child.

“As soon as it realized something bad was going to happen, it would shriek for dear life,” said Verzola, a student activist and writer for the student paper of the University of the Philippines Diliman in the early 1970s.

He found himself squealing like a pig on the night he was arrested by officers of the Philippine Constabulary’s Metropolitan Command (Metrocom) in 1974.

“It was a shriek of helplessness, desperation and terror,” Verzola said as he began to narrate his ordeal at the hands of his torturers at the soft-launch on Tuesday of the book “Marcos Martial Law: Never Again,” written by investigative journalist and award-winning political blogger Raissa Robles.

“Never again,” reverberated within the amphitheater of the Ateneo Professional Schools Building in Makati City, as emotions ran high among angry martial law victims and their relatives in the audience.

READ MORE...

Robles’ book, which will be out in March, guides the reader through a brief history of the atrocities committed by Marcos’ New Society.

Detained, tortured, killed

Current estimates place the count of victims at 3,257 killed, 40,000 tortured and more than 60,000 illegally detained.

Using official records, Marcos’ own books, reports of local and foreign human rights lawyers, and nongovernment organizations as well as eyewitness accounts and interviews with survivors and military officers, Robles provides a brief historical narrative relating to how and why the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law in 1972.

In her book, she also reveals how Cory Aquino was strip-searched several times when she visited her imprisoned husband, opposition Sen. Ninoy Aquino.

Edited by journalist Alan Robles, the author’s husband, the book is published by Filipinos for a Better Philippines Inc.

Torture device

At the launch, Verzola and military historian Ricardo Jose showed the audience how a military field telephone had been turned into a torture device during martial law.

Showing a military telephone manufactured during World War II, Jose said the device could generate current strong enough to cause electric shock.

“It was a war machine meant for communication signals. But during martial law, it was used for other purposes,” Jose said.

Verzola, now 63, could remember clearly how the device was used on him, apart from the body blows and hitting through hard objects that he received.

His ordeal lasted for one night, from sundown until past midnight.

“The interrogator tied the end of one wire to my right index and other tied around a handle of a spoon,” Verzola said.

The spoon was inserted into his pants and rested near his crotch.

Like a thousand spikes

During the electrocution, it was as if his body was “invaded by the current,” a thousand spikes.

He let out screams. “It was that kind of scream from the soul. I couldn’t stifle it no more than I could stop my hand from jerking,” Verzola said.

Verzola said the Metrocom officers apparently used the electric shock to torture activists often enough that the civilian employees across the room where he was kept showed no sign of surprise or concern.

“This is something that should never happen again,” he said.

Tortured to death

Verzola still found himself luckier than those who were tortured to death.

“I can just imagine the experience of those who knew they were going to die with that process. The worst victim of torture was Ka Rolando Olalia who was mutilated beyond recognition,” Verzola said.

Olalia, head of the labor group Kilusang Mayo Uno and the political party Partido ng Bayan, and his driver Leonor Alay-ay were found dead in November 1986 by the roadside in Antipolo, Rizal province. Their hands were bound, mouths stuffed with newspaper and heads bearing gunshot wounds. Their bodies were mutilated.

There were moments that Verzola would remember martial law strongly.

He felt there was a lack of response among the youth when then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo declared emergency rule and ordered the arrest of activists in 2006.

“I felt they did not have the scars, the nightmares and friends who died,” Verzola said.

Return of Marcoses

Also at the book launch, former Sen. Rene Saguisag, cofounder of the Movement of Attorneys for Brotherhood, Integrity and Nationalism, said the return of the Marcoses in elective positions in government showed how Filipinos could be forgiving as a people.

“But (Sen.) Bongbong Marcos should apologize,” Saguisag said, meeting a loud “No” among the audience.

One man shouted: “He should return the money.”

“Apology is the beginning. He has to acknowledge that indeed the atrocities happened and his parents robbed the country. They have to make amends including the mother and (his sister) Imee,” Saguisag said.

Ilocos Norte Gov. Imee Marcos is running for reelection for her third and final term, while her mother, Ilocos Norte Rep. Imelda Marcos, is also seeking her third and last term.

Carmma, millennials

Martial law victims, who formed a group called Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacañang (Carmma), have recently begun a campaign against Bongbong’s vice presidential bid.

Over the past months, Senator Marcos has been rising in opinion polls, attracting the support of millennials or young voters with scant or no knowledge of martial law.

Results of the Feb. 5-7 survey by Social Weather Stations, showed Marcos catching up with Sen. Francis Escudero. They were tied in first place with 26 percent ratings.

Ill-gotten wealth

“(Bongbong) is not the past. But he will be your horrible future,” Robles said, noting that the senator knew about the ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses.

Robles said Bongbong and his two other siblings—Imee and Irene—were named beneficiaries in various foreign deposit accounts under the name of foundations set up by their father.

“I want the Filipino people to see these affidavits,” Robles said.

During the 21-year rule of the dictator Marcos, he and his family were believed to have accumulated between $5 billion and $10 billion.

----------------------------

RELATED FROM RAPPLER.COM

Martial law speak: Words that defined the anti-Marcos movement Jee Y. Geronimo @jeegeronimo Published 6:00 PM, February 24, 2016 Updated 6:02 PM, February 24, 2016

Only a few of the words here remain familiar
to the generations that never experienced martial law.
These words meant life and death to many.

MANILA, Philippines – The years leading up to the historical 1986 People Power Revolution were turbulent times for the country: late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, with his iron-fist rule, stayed in power for 20 years and imposed martial law for 9 years.

Those years saw numerous atrocities committed against thousands of Filipinos, especially those critical of the Marcos regime. But hope was not lost among brave men and women who joined the resistance movement – either in the streets or underground.

With free speech curtailed, activists communicated their anger in more ways than one. What words and phrases peppered their conversations then?

Below are some of the words that comprised the activists' lingo in the 1980s, based on research and interviews with historian Michael "Xiao" Chua and Aurora Batnag, president of the Pambansang Samahan sa Linggwistika at Literaturang Filipino.

Abandonados - This term, Chua said, refers to Marcos loyalists post-EDSA who were "abandoned" by the dictator after he fled to Hawaii with his family and close allies on February 25, 1986, with the help of American authorities

ASSO (Arrest, Search, and Seizure Order) - According to Chua, the ASSO – an arrest without warrant – is a list you wouldn't want your name to be in. "Hindi alam kahit nung humuhuli sa'yo kung bakit ka niya hinuhuli. Ganun siya ka-arbitrary." (Even the one arresting you doesn't know why you're being arrested. That's the extent of its arbitrariness.)

Barbed wire - Activists then considered the barbed wire as a symbol of oppression. At the time, gates of Malacañang in Manila had barbed wires, keeping protesters away from the seat of power.

Boycott - The act of boycott in the context of the martial law could mean two things, said Chua: to boycott an election that is "Lutong Makoy" (an election rigged by Marcos), or to boycott products, banks, and companies owned by Marcos' cronies.

Confetti - Rallies in Makati's Ugarte Field (now Ayala Triangle) were replete with yellow confetti – that is, yellow pages cut into strips of paper and dropped by employees from their offices to support protesters against Marcos.

Curfew - The 12-4 am curfew hours during martial law lasted for 5 years, from 1972 to 1977. Chua said another term related to curfew is "pa-morningan," when people would rather stay where they are past midnight than risk going home.

Edifice Complex - This term used by stage and screen actor-director Behn Cervantes is a play on another term, Oedipus complex, and refers to Imelda Marcos' penchant for building extravagant infrastructure projects for the arts. This includes the Cultural Center of the Philippines, the Folk Arts Theater, and the controversial Manlia Film Center, which collapsed while still under construction.

Imeldific - This term, a play of the First Lady's name, was used to refer to being extravagant and vulgar. But Chua said Imelda herself claims the term and interprets it to mean "excessively beautiful." During his interview with the First Lady, Chua recalled that Imelda even referred to her dog as Imeldific after it ate caviar.

Metrocom - One of the most feared words then, according to Batnag, was the Metrocom or the Metropolitan Command – troops who detained anyone who's still out in the streets past the curfew hours.

Operation Pinta-Operation Dikit (OP-OD or Operation Paint/Post) - This refers to "missions" wherein activists filled walls and the streets with anti-Marcos slogans.

Salvage - This term was used back then when referring to extrajudicial killings.

Suspension of the privilege of writ of habeas corpus - Chua explained: "Wala kang karapatan, tinatanggalan ka ng karapatan na dalhin sa korte 'yung katawan mo para makasuhan ka, kasi wala kang kaso. 'Pag inaresto ka nung martial law wala kang kaso, pero in detention ka, 'di mo alam gaano katagal." (You don't have the privilege to be brought to court where you will be charged, because there is no case. You can be arrested during martial law even without a case, but you will be in detention, and you don't know for how long.)

Tuta ng Kano (American lapdog) - this monicker was just one of the many used by activists against Marcos. One slogan goes: "Marcos, Hitler, Diktador, Tuta."

Tear gas - During rallies, police would resort to using tear gas just to disperse protesters.

UG (Underground) - This refers to Filipinos fighting the regime, usually with nationalist organizations and away from the streets (as opposed to those "above ground" or the street parliamentarians). Chua explained: "Kunwari sumali ka na sa mga makabayang organisasyon, especially the New People's Army, UG ka na. Ibig sabihin 'di ka na makikita ng mga kamag-anak mo, nagtatago ka na, pero lumalaban ka." (For example, if you join nationalist organizations, especially the New People's Army, you're already considered UG. It means you won't be seen by your relatives anymore, you're hiding but fighting.)

Yellow ribbon - Inspired by the song "Tie a Yellow Ribbon 'Round the Ole Oak Tree," supporters of Marcos' political rival, Senator Benigno Aquino Jr, tied yellow ribbons around the airport to welcome his return from the United States in 1983. He never saw the ribbons, though, as he was shot dead upon arrival. Chua said the yellow ribbon eventually became the symbol of Aquino's wife Cory and the anti-dictatorship struggle.

'Magkaisa'

One important word is missing above: Magkaisa. In separate interviews, both Chua and Batnag said magkaisa is that one word which best defines the generation that fought the Marcos regime.

Of course it's also the theme song of the EDSA People Power Revolution – a peaceful revolution that toppled a dictatorship.


PROTESTS. Thousands of Filipinos join the 'street parliamentarians' in toppling the Marcos dictatorshp. File photo courtesy of the Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines

Chua said the song was composed by "pro-Marcos" Tito Sotto (now a senator), "who gifted it as his reconciliation call to Cory Aquino and EDSA, and the people."

Chua said that historic event in February 1986, when Filipinos trooped to EDSA in protest, "is actually the people's tribute to the activists of the 1970s and 1980s, because finally, here are the people joining them in the parliament of the streets."

Batnag also joined the protests then, with her children in tow. There were threats she would lose her job at Surian ng Wikang Pambansa (now Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino) for supporting Cory, but she said even before the snap elections, the country was already very ripe for a revolution.

Only a few of the words above remain familiar to the generations that never experienced martial law. But the words are still relevant and worth revisiting today, according to Chua, because these words meant life and death to many.

"But a lot of these words also symbolize hope for a better future. Pondering on the meaning of each word also makes us realize the journey that our fathers and mothers went through during that time to regain our freedom," he added.

For Batnag, it's also another way to move on from that painful part of our history.

"Kasi ang bawat salita diba may kahuluguhan noon. Ngayon, isang paraan ng pagpapaalala sa kanila kung ano ang mga sinabi noon, anong sitwasyon noon, kasi kailangang malaman ng mga kabataan at maunawaan kung anong nangyari noon dahil hindi ka makakamove-on hangga't 'di mo naiintindihan ang nakaraan."

(Every word then had meaning. Today, another way to remind us of what the situation was like then is through these words, because even the young people should know and understand what happened before. You cannot move on until you've fully understood the past.)

Dangers of forgetting

Both Chua and Batnag also warned millenials about the dangers of forgetting what happened during those tumultuous times.

"People often say that 'Never Again' is politics. Bongbong Marcos is saying that 'Never Again' is a propaganda against the Marcoses. But a lot of people don't realize that 'Never Again' are lives lost, 'Never Again' are lives that are destroyed…. 'Never Again' is dignity lost," the historian said.

"Martial law and People Power [are] not propaganda. Forgetting these two is tantamount to hijacking our own future. And definitely, the victim's lives are not propaganda."

Did we miss a word or phrase? Let us know in the comments section below! Rappler.com


KILUSANG MAYO

Press Statement 25 February 2016

From Cory to Noynoy: Attacks on labor grew fiercer after Edsa


FROM Googled images

While Edsa People Power promised change for all Filipinos, it actually signaled intensified attacks on workers, many of which continue to this day. The regimes that came to power after 1986 implemented neoliberal “free market” policies that assaulted workers’ rights in order to increase the profits of big foreign and local capitalists.

The minimum wage was eliminated through regionalization and other schemes, contractual employment was promoted, and the formation of unions and the launching of strikes were met with repression. Workers are worse-off now than they were 30 years ago.

In 1989, the Wage Rationalization Law and the Salary Standardization Law were both enacted. These destroyed whatever minimum wage private-sector workers and government employees were enjoying at the time. Now, the country does not have a minimum wage to speak of, because the latter has been thoroughly fragmented.

In 1989, the Herrera Law was enacted as an omnibus amendment to the Labor Code of 1974. It maintained the provision banning labor-only contracting in paper but giving the Labor Secretary the power to define job contracting via department orders. Now, contractualization, a marginal employment practice before 1986, is the norm in the country.

READ MORE...

The Herrera Law worsened the Labor Code’s provision giving the Labor Secretary the power to assume jurisdiction over labor disputes. With this power, the Labor Secretary orders workers to go back to work or else face retrenchment and even criminal charges. He or she can even order the military and the police to go to workplaces. The said power served as the license for the 2004 Hacienda Luisita massacre.

Labor export, which before 1986 was only a stopgap measure, became enshrined as a national policy. Special economic zones, where most workers are contractuals subjected to strict surveillance, were created throughout the country. Education was restructured to further create a cheap and repressed labor force.

Thirty years after Edsa, we vow to further advance genuine, militant and nationalist trade-unionism and strengthen the Philippine labor movement. Workers’ unions and organizations were crucial in building the people power which toppled the US-backed Marcos dictatorship. We vow to build people power not only for ousting reactionary regimes but also for creating a social system led by workers and the poor.

Reference: Elmer “Ka Bong” Labog, KMU chairperson, 0908-1636597

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RELATED FROM College Editors Guild of the Philippines -Mindanao

EDSA on the 30th, the continuing struggle against oppression

25th of February 1986 when the Filipino people - workers, peasants, students, teachers, government employees, and other sectors revolted and carry out protest actions and demonstrations to convey to the government the difficulties they suffered. Under martial law, many citizens were killed, abducted, tortured and violated with their human rights to suppress the growing movement of people. The undeniable deterioration of the crisis did not hinder the Filipino people to pull out all the stops.

The worsening economic and political crisis in the country withal the suppression of communicators and journalists under the Ferdinand Marcos dictatorship. Marcos even declared the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) as illegal and shut the mainstream press and school publications. But the journalists were unshaken. They fearlessly fight for their rights even putting their life at stake.

Did we really achieve the change when in several decades, everything still remained a call?

After several decades, and now on its 30th years of EDSA commemoration, the Press Freedom Violation is worsening and became rampant. CEGP documented more than 250 campus press freedom violations from more than 60 student publications nationwide. This is just an implication of the continuing repression of the campus press for their freedom to express.

It indicates that the campus press repression does not end during the EDSA Revolution and even worsened in Aquino’s administration.

Despite the state negligence and criminality, the EDSA People Power Revolution should serve as our inspiration that the power of the people is always stronger than the people in power. We must not forget that the EDSA belongs to the people and its commemoration should not focus on the key personalities of the historic uprising. The spirit of EDSA becomes alive not just every Feb. 25 but it’s with our continuing struggle as a nation to free ourselves from the oppression and exploitation.

We must assert our democratic freedoms and rights.

Fight against Campus Press Freedom Violation!

Uphold Campus Press Freedom!

Long Live the People’s Struggle for National Democracy!

For Reference:

Rochamae Bihag

Vice President for Mindanao, College Editors Guild of the Philippines

0906.406.0911

-- College Editors Guild of the Philippines - Mindanao Email: cegpmindanaoofficial@gmail.com Facebook: facebook.com/CollegeEditorsGuildOfThePhilippinesMindanao


MALAYA

MORE EDSA PEOPLE POWER THOUGHTS By Ellen Tordesillas February 26, 2016


By Ellen Tordesillas

THE EDSA 30 celebration has revived memories of that important event in our history as a freedom-loving people.

From the recollections, one can glean a deep sense of disappointment, of our failure not to have used our regained freedom into genuine democracy- wherein people would have the opportunities to pursue their dreams of a better life.

Mark Lopez shared his insights of EDSA One in Facebook: “I was 17 when EDSA 1 happened and my family and I were there, together with the millions who want change. It was surreal and it was indeed a triumphant moment when news of Marcos family fleeing was confirmed. In the immediate aftermath, all I could think of was that our country will now be on the cusp of true progress and development. Of course the foremost celebration was for the reinstatement of democracy and freedom to be a Filipino.

“Thirty years after, I now cringe at what went by after EDSA1. I really don’t know what it is in our psyche that we continue to celebrate democracy but we also embraced mediocrity, especially in governance.”

“We may be free, but we are still slaves to indifference, to corruption, and to greed. Do we really deserve this?”

READ MORE...

Cesar Caoili emailed his recollection: “I was there in Edsa on the very first day when it all began. I was employed in one of the companies of the Yuchengco’s. After our morning sales meeting, me and my co-employees went to Edsa upon hearing that Enrile and Ramos have broken away from Marcos.

“The mood in the area was very festive. Most of the people I talked with do not even know why they were there except looking for free food. Cigarette vendors, ambulant vendors abound. There was no critical mass in the area. People were converging in front of Tropical Hut since there were rumors that the store is going to give away food and drinks, I and my co-employees went back to Makati in the afternoon tired and we went to Pasay Road to go one into one of the watering holes that was popular during that time. I think it was chicken in a basket. I told my friends during that time that the Edsa revolution as it is being called is the revolution of the oligarchs who are against Marcos and nothing will change. The lives of the poor Filipinos will not improve except the lives of the old oligarchs. Also, the freedom that these people are extolling that will be given back to the Filipinos was freedom to be poor and hungry. Indeed, freedom of the press was restored and that’s it.

"The irony of EDSA People Power is captured by JB Baylon in an article he wrote for VERA Files: “Imagine that: free elections that are the fruits of EDSA may very well end up restoring a Marcos into the highest echelons of government! That’s the price we pay for democracy?”

***

The film, EDSA XXX by renowned avant-garde filmmaker, KHAVN also tackles where we are now after 30 years. It opened last Wednesday City as part of the 4th edition of the Active Vista Human Rights Film Festival. It is still showing up to Saturday, Feb. 27, at the Cinema 4 of Shang Cineplex, Shangri-La Mall, Mandaluyong. The festival theme is “truth X imagination.”

Festival Director Leni Velasco said, “We commemorate EDSA every year because 30 years ago, the nation saw truth and acted on it. The truth is 30 years after, we have forgotten this truth because we have been facing other truths as well, truths that we live with every day of our lives – the truth in the face of children living in the streets; of a mother whose child has disappeared; of women sexually abused or trafficked; of people discriminated because of their sexual orientation, gender identity and expression; of families torn apart by the need to look for greener pastures abroad; of workers living on deplorable working conditions; of parents who can barely provide food in their family’s tables; of farmers suffering from the impacts of climate change; of commuters losing their productivity and dignity in the horrible traffic situation; of public servants who makes corruption a sustainable living, of this May 2016 elections where the changes in leadership means nothing to ordinary Filipinos; of a government who has failed to live up to the promise of EDSA.”

Velasco said Active Vista explores the recurring questions “30 Years after EDSA, has nothing really changed? Are we better off now than we were before?” through a political satirical musical dedicated to “Filipinos who know how to live for love of freedom and liberty.”

For screening schedules, check out www.activevista.ph  or call Kai 09151780240 .

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RELATED FROM PHILSTAR

Special features: Everything you need to know about 'EDSA at 30' (philstar.com) | Updated February 25, 2016 - 8:00am 6 44 googleplus0 1


Why should we commemorate what happened in Manila 30 years ago? This page will walk you through the legacy of a people.

MANILA, Philippines — Thirty years after the People Power Revolution, the Philippines celebrates a milestone and pays tribute to champions of freedom and democracy, sacrificing their lives and own freedom.

"Pagbabago: Ipinaglaban N'yo, Itutuloy Ko!" is the theme for the 30th Anniversary of the People Power Revolution.

The organizing committee said the torch is passed on to the younger millennial generation, known to be a breed of young innovators, informed netizens, proactive volunteers, and social entrepreneurs who enjoy the freedom and democracy that the revolution's heroes fought for throughout the dictatoshipand won back at EDSA in 1986.

In this page you will find relevant stories that can spark a new conversation on what happened 30 years ago, when the Filipino people regained their freedom.

Imelda expected to succeed Marcos

"Because their husbands’ wealth, prestige and power were essentially dependent upon the Marcoses, they could not in the slightest way turn aside the whims of the First Lady ... "

Extracting the Marcoses

"There was some expectation that, after a couple of days on the base, Marcos would go live in a house that he owned and we would have done our bit and that would be the end of it. Well, that was certainly a naive expectation ... "

Managing the end of the Marcos regime "CNN finally, the first time, had the capability to telecast directly via satellite and they had a cameraman and a reporter at the camp where the military people were holed up. So, I alerted Washington ... "

1986 people power: Philippines’s gift to the world Thirty years ago today, Filipinos achieved the impossible and brought down a dictatorship.

READ MORE...

7 reasons why you should celebrate 'EDSA at 30' An architect asks grades 5 to 10 students to imagine themselves in the Marcos era by asking seven questions.

On its 30th Anniversary: The essence of People Power Unless there’s a change in people’s habits, the real essence of the EDSA People Power Revolution will go to waste.

Sad tale of forgetful people Six out of every 10 Filipinos today will find no relevance in the 30th celebration of the Philippine revolution of 1986.

30th EDSA still awaits revolution in the inner life of Filipinos Cardinal Jaime Sin’s opinion that Mother Mary’s statue would symbolize the EDSA victory ended all arguments on whose miracle the revolution was.

Now open: House of Marcos era horrors

12345678

“Much of what you will see and experience may be disturbing, haunting or uncomfortable. It was meant to be that way. So be prepared.”

Experiential museum, air show highlights of EDSA anniversary An “experiential” museum and an air show will be among the highlights of tomorrow’s commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the people power revolution that toppled the Marcos dictatorship.

LIST: Road closures, alternative routes for EDSA’s 30th Anniversary The Metro Manila Development Authority and the EDSA People Power Commission recently released a traffic advisory in line with the celebration of the 30th anniversary of EDSA People Power.

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RELATED FROM THE INQUIRER -FLASHBACK YEAR 2012 'KWENTO'

KUWENTO- To young Filipinos who never knew martial law and dictatorship SHARES: 88.5K VIEW COMMENTS By: Benjamin Pimentel @inquirerdotnet 03:04 PM September 12th, 2012


Doing the thumbs-down sign is Cory Aquino, who overthrew the Marcos regime as a result of People Power. To her left is Doy Laurel, then Vice President. SOURCE: http://www.baguio-city.net/2011/02/marcos-bust.html

SAN FRANCISCO — You’ve been hearing a lot about the date – September 21, 1972 — and the event — the day martial law was imposed on our country, the day the Marcos dictatorship was born.

That was 40 years ago.

This may not mean much to you who grew up after the nightmare finally ended, after Filipinos rallied to oust one of the most despicable leaders in world history.

You’ve probably heard about him. If you travel north, you might even see his corpse in a glass case. You might also see remnants of a giant bust carved on the side of a mountain.

You know how shameless Filipino politicians show off by putting up big posters with their photos in public places? Well, try to imagine living under a leader who actually thought that he was so great he should have his face carved on a gigantic rock for all to see.

Think about it.

Someone blew up that bust many years ago — which is really a shame. It was hideous, but still, it could have served as a reminder of what we went through. What your parents and grandparents went through under Ferdinand Marcos.

You probably heard about the debates on whether he should be buried with our other heroes at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. You probably heard his son, now a senator, defending his record, claiming that had Marcos not been overthrown, the country would have turned into another Singapore.

It’s a bizarre claim. And I never get tired of pointing this out: Bongbong is essentially arguing that the Philippines would have become another Singapore, known as one of the least corrupt nations in the world, under a president considered one of the most corrupt leaders in history. (Google “most corrupt leaders” and you’ll understand why Bongbong is bonkers.)

You’ve probably also heard the dictator’s supporters remember those years as the good ‘ol days. The country was more peaceful, and people were happier, they’d say.

You know what, in some ways, they were right.

I was eight years old when martial law was declared, and I remember being so happy that day. Classes were suspended, and there was nothing to watch on TV but cartoons.

Our neighbors and even my parents were glad to see an end to the student demonstrations. People were lining up to ride a jeepney. To some, it certainly looked like an entirely different country.

And it was.

But these were not the changes that most people, especially the middle class, thought were actually taking place.

For in those early months and years, middle class and upper class families welcomed Marcos’s version of “peace and order,” the orderly queues and the empty streets where activists once voiced their opposition to corruption and injustice. But behind the scenes, unknown to many, the stealing, the torture, the killing had begun.

It had grown quiet all of sudden, because those who had the guts to speak out had been silenced. Imprisoned. Tortured. Co-opted. Murdered.

Actually, back then, the term Marcos’s goons used was “salvage.” Yes, salvage, as in “to save” or “to rescue.” For that was how Marcos and his allies imposed “peace and order.” They saved the regime’s critics and opponents – by killing them.

Later on, even the phrase “peace and order” morphed into a sick joke. My father enjoyed telling it.

“Peace and order? Ah, that actually means, ‘I want a piece of this. I want a piece of that. And that’s an order.’”

Remember that the next time you hear of Imelda’s jewels or shoes, of news about some mansion or bank account linked to the Marcoses.

Then there’s the argument that goes like this: ‘What was the point of getting rid of Marcos? Look at how there’s still so much corruption and injustice in Philippine society after all these years.’

Good point.

But one thing you need to remember, and perhaps we need to remind ourselves about this too, those of us who joined the uprising to get rid of Marcos — We didn’t march thinking we would suddenly live in paradise. We didn’t face riot police and the security forces thinking that the country’s problems– the corruption, the poverty, the abuse of power — would suddenly disappear.

We joined the fight to get rid of a tyrant. And guess what – we won. And you won.

I know it’s hard to believe, especially given all the news of corruption and abuse and of people dying and disappearing.

But trust me: it was much, much worse back then. It was a much scarier, more violent time, when even the mildest criticism of government, of Marcos, of Imelda, could land you in jail or even get you killed.

Look at it this way. Some of you don’t like the current president. And you probably even joined the fad of Noynoying, making fun of the guy, calling him all sorts of names. You know what would have happened to you if you had tried a stunt like that during the Marcos years?

Marcos’s allies want you to forget that. They want you to see the long struggle against dictatorship, and the uprising that finally brought it down as wasted effort.

Which is really an absurd view if you think about it. It’s like telling our heroes and those who waged past struggles in our history that everything that happened, everything they did was a waste.

It’s like telling Jose Rizal, “You know those novels and essays and poems you wrote, including that last one you composed shortly before you were shot to death by the Spaniards, all that was a waste of time. For look at how messed up the country is right now.”

It’s like telling my own father, “Papa, joining the guerrillas was a stupid idea, given how the country whose freedom you defended against the Japanese has turned out.”

Fighting Marcos was worth it. For we took on a bully and we won.

This is not to downplay or dismiss the problems the country faces today.

And you should speak out about them. You should complain and protest. You should demand that things should be better, and you should go out there to try to make them better. It is perfectly all right for you to march, to picket and even to go Noynoying.

Just don’t believe those who say it was much better before.

You’ll hear it from Marcos’s old allies.

You’ll hear it from those who simply don’t like democracy, who find it inconvenient because it keeps them from acquiring more wealth and more power.

You’ll hear from those who just can’t stand ideas they don’t agree with, who arrogantly think they have all the answers and must therefore have all the power.

They’ll present themselves as the nation’s saviors based on twisted claims. Some would point to their military discipline and experience. Others would claim to have the correct political line base on historical truths. Some would claim to have god on their side.

Don’t trust the liars and the bullies. Democracy can be messy and chaotic. But the alternatives are even messier. They create a false, deceptive sense of “peace and order.”

A delusion.

Like the cartoon shows I watched the day Marcos’s dictatorship began its reign of destruction.

On Twitter @KuwentoPimentel. On Facebook at www.facebook.com/benjamin.pimentel


FROM GETREALPHILIPPINES.COM --FLASHBACK REPORT ON EDSA (ALMOST '30')

In just 6 years, Noynoy Aquino’s record of failure is now worse than all of the Marcos years October 14, 2015by Ilda


Dead for almost 30 years but still being blamed for PNoy's failures

Filipinos who can’t stop talking about the “horrors” of the Martial Law years under the late former President Ferdinand Marcos are starting to come across as hopeless and desperate for attention. While the atrocities against the victims should be condemned, their cases were already brought to court and won compensation. It is now time to move on to atrocities happening at present times.

Advocates of human rights abuses should understand that the new generation of Filipinos today are not interested in the past because they are fighting a different kind of tyranny that is even more difficult to defeat compared to what Filipinos were facing during the Marcos regime.

Filipinos today are being lulled into thinking that the country is safe in the hands of President Benigno Simeon Aquino and his allies – members of the oligarchy. In fact, as early as 1986, after the late former President Cory Aquino took over from Marcos, Philippine mainstream media and other showbiz personalities allied with her government created the illusion that the country is better off under the Aquinos. The Filipino people have been lied to for over 30 years.

Because the media tend to gloss over the incompetence and failures of succeeding administrations starting with and especially Cory Aquino after Marcos left, Filipinos have become their worst enemies. They have become apathetic and indifferent to the issues plaguing the nation because they have been made to believe that the kind of thievery and abuse now is nothing compared to the Marcos years. That notion is false.

READ MORE...

Some claim that the harassment, abuse and pilfering of public funds today may not be as blatant as it was during the Martial Law years but it is still happening. Mainstream media is just not highlighting them enough.

Aquino supporters keep harping about the so-called “freedom” Filipinos are enjoying today but majority are squandering their freedom and don’t appreciate how they got it in the first place. The fact of the matter is, the people who went against the so-called “dictator” then cared enough to demand change and they weren’t afraid to die for their principles.

That is not something we can expect from a lot of the Filipinos of today. Most of them are just allowing government abuse to go unchecked and are resigned to thinking that they are helpless against it anyway. You can say that they have lost their fighting spirit and couldn’t be bothered to go against the tyranny of the second Aquino administration. It seems love for the country is not enough to compel majority of Filipinos to do something drastic. In this sense, the situation in Philippine society now is worse than the Martial Law years.

Instead of talking about the horrors of the Martial Law years, human rights advocates should be talking more about the horrors perpetrated during the Aquino regime. After all, they are still happening now. BS Aquino’s list of failures is getting longer and one suspects that there will be more to come prior to him stepping down in a few months. Here’s a reminder of some of the highlights of his fiascos:

1. Illegal detention of former President Gloria Arroyo

BS Aquino’s centerpiece for his “Daang Matuwid” is falling apart. Even before he won the presidency, he had been working on vilifying Arroyo to make the case for her continued illegal detention more convincing to the gullible public. Unfortunately for him, Arroyo found a powerful ally in world-renowned international human rights lawyer Amal Alamuddin-Clooney. She recently won the case she brought to the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention with a ruling saying that Arroyo’s detention is arbitrary and illegal under international law. The court is recommending Arroyo be granted bail and compensated accordingly.

Malacanang is pretending they had nothing to do with her illegal detention even though the cases filed against her were based on trumped-up charges and were done in haste. The UN body also noted that Justice Secretary Leila De Lima defied the Supreme Court when she prevented Arroyo from leaving for overseas to seek treatment for her illness. It’s no secret that De Lima was under pressure from her boss BS Aquino to carry out his orders to detain Arroyo at all cost.

If Filipinos do not see this as a case of abuse of power, then they have lost their moral compass. If detaining a former President under false charges can be done without repercussion, then what chance does the average Filipino have against this kind of tyranny?

2. Thievery and mismanagement of public funds under the guise of mechanisms such as Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) and Presidential slush funds

This is an example of subtle ways the Aquino government is using taxpayers’ money unconstitutionally. Ignorant Filipinos — and they are the majority — do not realize how much of their money the current administration has wasted on nothing of substance. Billions of pesos could be unaccounted for because they were given as bribes to members of Congress who then gave it to fake NGOs. So far, no one in the Aquino government has been prosecuted for DAP shenanigans despite the Supreme Court’s ruling that the use of “savings” from another branch is illegal.

In addition to the DAP fiasco, billions of pesos in funds generated from the Malampaya Natural Gas Facility seems to be unaccounted for too:

Malampaya has been supplying natural gas to three major power plants in Luzon and the court decision was sought to safeguard the fund from possible misuse.

Previously, a special audit report cited cases of questionable fund use.

One of these was the P900 million supposedly released to the Department of Agrarian Reform, but was instead allegedly allocated to fake nongovernment organizations. Currently, the Office of the Ombudsman is probing those implicated in in the irregular deals.

As of March 2015, the government has received over P208 billion from the natural gas project since it began earning from it in the early 2000s.

The question now is, what has the Aquino government done with the funds? If it is just sitting around in a bank account somewhere, then that’s proof of his incompetence. He could have used that to fix vital infrastructure and modernize the country’s defense force. I would not be surprised if he has authorized the use of the funds for campaign purposes in order to ensure his party retain power in the coming election.


The Philippines under PNoy became tops at being the worst in various global surveys. Aquino, vindictive?, incompetent' no compassion for the poor? hides behind his friends inside the Palace walls? paranoid? a very scared President? You be the judge. (PHNO's unanswered questions)

3. Under the BS Aquino government, the Philippines has earned top awards for the worst Airport, worst traffic and worst country to die in.

And I wish I was making this up.

The Manila International Airport or what some prefer to call the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) has remained consistently at the top of annual surveys as the worst airport in the world. Respondents to surveys conducted by the Guide to Sleeping at Airports website voted the airport in for its “dilapidated facilities”, “dishonest” airport workers – particularly taxi drivers – long waiting times and “rude” staff.

Most of us were not surprised by the feedback. The terms “dishonest” and “rude” are indeed, synonymous with the name Aquino too.

As if having the worst airport wasn’t enough, Metro Manila was also named as having the “worst traffic on Earth,” according to a GPS-based navigation app, Waze. The result of their global evaluation was also not surprising to the hapless motorists who get stuck on the road for hours on a daily basis. For almost six years, BS Aquino government did nothing to improve road quality and infrastructure in the historic road called EDSA. It’s baffling why the son of “People Power” icons did not prioritize fixing the traffic chaos that has only gotten worse each year he has been in office.

From the same evaluation, the Philippines was also ranked as the 9th worst place to drive in the world. If another global survey was conducted rating the condition of the country’s public transport system, I’m pretty sure the Philippines would be among the worst countries in terms of public transport.

A recent study commissioned by Singapore nonprofit Lien Foundation also highlighted that the Philippines is one of the worst places to die in. Out of a list 80 countries included in the study, the country ranked 78th – nearly at the bottom:
The low ranking of the Philippines in the overall scores of quality of death index was attributed to the severe shortage of specialized palliative care professionals, lack of government-led strategy for the development and promotion of national palliative care, limited number of government subsidies or programs for individuals accessing palliative care services, and limited public understanding and awareness of palliative care services.

The Aquino government’s incompetent cabinet members whose priorities are misguided have only resulted in the Philippines becoming one of the worst places to live and die in. Who in their right mind would want this kind of wretchedness to go on? Only those who have been brainwashed by mainstream media would.
The list of BS Aquino’s failures is long. I can actually write a book about it. But since I do not have time to do that, I will leave you with a link to an unofficial list of his failures from political advocate Showbiz Government here.

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RELATED FROM THE TRIBUNE

Palace blasts Marcos on ‘never again to martial law’ stance Written by Gerry Baldo Monday, 29 February 2016 00:00



Malacañang yesterday lambasted vice presidential candidate Sen. Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. for “trying to divert attention from reality” following his statement that he himself was opposed to the return of martial law.

“Should our people trust a candidate who refuses to acknowledge what actually happened and attempts to divert attention from reality? Our bosses know better and we trust they will decide wisely on election day,” presidential Communications Secretary Herminio Coloma Jr. in a statement said.

“Trustworthiness of a person is based on honesty and accountability. Mr. Marcos’ record as a vice presidential candidate shows that he is seriously lacking in both aspects,” he stressed.

The Palace official said the senator continues to pay a rosy picture of what actually happened during martial law and glosses over the oppressive character of the dictatorship.

Human rights violations were reported during late strongman Ferdinand Marcos, father of the senator, stay in power for decades under martial law.

His 20-year presidency was ended by the People Power Revolution, in 1986. President Aquino’s mother, Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino, then became the president.

But the vice presidential candidate has earlier said he does not favor the return of martial law in the country.

“If there is martial law, it means we are in crisis. We don’t want the Philippines to be in crisis,” Marcos was quoted as saying during a recent campaign sortie.

Meanwhile, the senator expressed gratitude to a partymate, Sen. Cynthia Villar, for saying positive things about him during his sortie in Pangasinan.

Marcos and Villar were both invited as guest speakers at the team building of the faculty and staff of the Pangasinan State University-San Carlos campus in Balungao town over the weekend.

During the talk, Villar said although she could not endorse Marcos’ candidacy because the Nacionalista Party (NP) has three vice presidential candidates in the coming elections, she thought there was no need to do so especially in the Solid North provinces because they were clearly behind Marcos.

Marcos is running on a platform of national unity with the Solid North serving its showcase.

He said eventually he wants to forge a “Solid Philippines.”

Fellow Nacionalista Senators Antonio Trillanes and Alan Peter Cayetano are also vying for the vice presidency.

“I am grateful for Senator Villar’s kind words. I hope that we could push our message of unity all throughout the country because if we remain fragmented, we would not be able to move forward as a nation and give our people the service that they deserve,” he said.

It’s Grace-Chiz in E. Samar — poll

Meanwhile, Senators Grace Poe and Francis “Chiz” Escudero are gaining ground in Eastern Samar, which is a bailiwick of the administration Liberal Party.

In a survey commissioned by one of the local candidates in the province two weeks ago, Poe and Escudero topped the survey with 23.3 percent and 20.4 percent, respectively.

Poe was followed by LP standard-bearer Manuel “Mar” Roxas II with 18.5 percent; Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte (13 percent) and Vice President Jejomar Binay (11 percent). The undecided were 33.9 percent. Almost 34 percent of the 659 respondents were still undecided.

In the vice presidential race, Escudero was followed by LP’s Leni Robredo with 15.8 percent; Marcos with 12.4 percent; Sen. Gerorio Honasan (4.1 percent), Cayetano (4 percent) and Trillanes with 3.4 percent.

Of the 675 respondents 39.2 percent were still undecided.

According to Partido Galing at Puso campaign manager Rep. Ace Durano, the popularity of Poe and Escudero is expected to rise further soon after the Supreme Court decides on the disqualification cases against Poe.

‘Clear beneficiary’

Relatedly, the camp of Duterte said Roxas was a “clear beneficiary” of a sudden surge in numbers in an online poll conducted early this week by Rappler.com.

The surge was traced by Rappler to mysterious respondents in Russia, Korea and China who participated in the survey at the last minute.

Peter Laviña, spokesman for the Duterte presidential campaign, heavily criticized Roxas over the report, calling the alleged move a “brazen attempt to reverse the people’s will.”

In December, Rappler initiated what was to become a monthly series of online surveys to determine people’s preferences for the May 2016 presidential elections.

The survey was conducted in three online platforms, namely Facebook, mobile phones via text messaging and within its own website.

The news website stated that toward the end of December, “Duterte won overwhelmingly... and won again in January’s Facebook poll, receiving 80 percent of nearly 50,000 votes cast.”

It had earlier reported that Roxas had won the December survey, “but an irregular surge vote in the first three days of polling in January led us to reevaluate the December results and spot a curious pattern.”

Roxas’ numbers were said to have maintained a pattern of no increase per hour. But when the surge came, the numbers peaked at around 1,400 votes per hour.

Rappler disclosed that “an hourly breakdown of voting clearly showed the surge,” which led its analysts to conclude the presence of a “systematic, organized gaming in the survey.”

Laviña blasted at what he described was a “pathetic experiment of the incumbent administration to thwart the sovereign choice of the people: Rody Duterte. Roxas and his well-oiled and well-funded cohorts should be ashamed and shamed for this truly despicable act.”


Chief News Editor: Sol Jose Vanzi

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